Why India's northern borders are threatened

My article Why India's northern borders are threatened appeared in Mail Today/Daily O

Here is the link... 

While the world speaks of artificial intelligence and facial recognition, India can't find better ways to monitor unwanted elements on the borders.

In the months to come, the 4056-kilometrre long India-China border will be in the news; probably for wrong reasons.
Despite last month’s ‘Chennai Connect’ between Prime Minister Modi and President Xi Jinping at Mamallapuram, Beijing continues its aggressive stance on Ladakh; the formation of two separate Union Territories for J&K and Ladakh seems to have irritated Beijing no end.

A sore point for China
Geng Shuang, a spokesman of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs told the media that "China deplores and firmly opposes this. This is unlawful and void and this is not effective in any way and will not change the fact that the area is under Chinese actual control;" he further urged India to "earnestly respect Chinese territorial sovereignty and uphold peace and tranquillity in the border areas.”
The Indian Ministry of External Affairs did not leave the unwarranted attack unanswered: “We do not expect other countries, including China, to comment on matters that are internal to India, just as India refrains from commenting on the internal issues of other countries," said the Indian spokesman. He requested China to stick to the ‘Political Parameters and Guiding Principles’ jointly agreed by the two sides to proceed on the border issue in 2005; the Indian official also pointed out that China ‘illegally’ acquired Indian territories from Pakistan-occupied-Kashmir (PoK) through a China-Pakistan Boundary Agreement of 1963; he was referring to the Shaksgam Valley.
If China decides to play this game, India could easily point out (with solid historical proofs) that Eastern Turkestan (now Xinjiang) was militarily annexed by the Peoples’ Republic of China in October-December 1949 and Tibet was occupied a year later.
In the present context, it is vital for India to develop its Northern borders, to open new roads, provide better telecom facilities, decent health services and education infrastructure for the local populations, who have already started migrating in large numbers. One solution to stop the hemorrhage is sustainable tourism.
Pema Khundu, the Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh created a stir on Twitter; he was seen riding a buggy, near the Tibet border, north of Tawang; the purpose of the adventurous drive over the hilly terrains, was to promote tourism; Kiren Rijiju, the Union Ministry of Sports and Youth Affairs accompanied Khandu; they rode an ATV Polaris for a distance of 107 km from PT Tso (also known as Madhuri lake) to the remote village of Mago. In a tweet, Rijiju mentioned the scenic beauty: “The state, mostly habituated over high altitudes of mountain ranges, is replete with stunning natural delights. The hilly areas also pose a good scope for adventure sports over snow laden valleys and glistening scenic beauties of natural lakes.”
Though roads are slowly coming up, the development infrastructure still remains far slower than in Tibet, although from Ladakh to Arunachal, the government is finally taking measures to tackle the problem. But thanks to a ‘dual use’ approach, China has done remarkably well to develop its side of the borders; every piece of infrastructure can be used by the civil administration, for example to accommodate tourists (last year, some seven million visited Nyingchi, the prefecture bordering Arunachal Pradesh) or by the People’s Liberation Army, when required.

Boost border growth
Last week, China Daily announced that 133 villagers from 29 households had been resettled at Puma Changthang, a village north of Bhutan: “Sharing a 25-km border with Bhutan where the average altitude tops 5,300 meters above sea level, the Puma Changthang township is renowned as the world's highest township.” The article noted that China’s objective was to make these border areas prosper; some 200 such model villages are said to have been built close to India’s border over the past three years.
In India, everything goes slowly, though efforts are made. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh recently inaugurated the strategically located ‘Col Chewang Rinchen Setu’, a bridge built over River Shyok, connecting Durbuk and Daulat Beg Oldie in Eastern Ladakh. The Minister reiterated “the Government’s unwavering commitment to bolster border infrastructure to effectively deal with any threats that undermine the peace and tranquillity in the country.” At the same time, he announced that the Siachen glacier base-camp will be opened to tourism.
Both strategic and economic development need to go hand in hand.
Another example, the government has recently approved the construction of 18 border tracks along the border. Minister of State for Home Affairs, Kishan Reddy called it a critical infrastructure to enhance the capability of the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP).

Spruce up Arunachal
Unfortunately, it is far from enough.
While being firm with China and getting ready for the worse, new ways to diffuse the tensions are tried, for example India and China will have 'coordinated patrols' in disputed areas along LAC, such as the Fish-Tail 1 & 2 in Arunachal Pradesh. According to The Hindustan Times: “India made the proposal for coordinated patrolling at a high-level meeting between the Indian Army and the PLA in June.”
Another factor is: looking after the border populations; a gesture shows how keen the locals are to be integrated: the residents of 10 villages of Upper Siang (Arunachal Pradesh) have recently decided not to claim compensation for their land for the construction of a road to improve the connectivity to the border; this will greatly help the construction of a proposed 150km-long Yingkiong-Bishing two-lane highway; Bishing, the last Indian village near the McMahon Line, is home to around 100 people from the Memba tribe.
But in many other ways, India still lives under the British Raj, the most blatant example is the Inner Line system which still hampers the development of the State. It is difficult to understand that while the world speaks of Artificial Intelligence or facial recognition, the Indian State can’t find a better way to monitor unwanted elements on the borders.
In the meantime, China will continue to put pressure.

We are all followers of the same Buddha?

Bhutan's Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay inaugurates the Conference

A Press Information Bureau (PIB) communiqué reported yesterday that ‘at the invitation of the Minister of Home & Cultural Affairs, Royal Government of Bhutan, Mr. Lyonpo Dawa Gyeltshen, Minister of State for Home Affairs, Shri Kiren Rijiju visited Bhutan from July 2-4, 2016 to attend the International Conference on Tradition and Innovation in Vajrayana Buddhism.”
We are also informed that Rijiju addressed the Closing Session of International Conference on “Vajrayana Buddhism: A Mandala of 21st Century Perspectives” at the Royal Institute for Tourism & Hospitality (RITH) in Thimphu.
A few words about this three-day conference on Vajrayana.
Last year, I wrote on this blog a piece titled, Buddhist Union – Spiritual Confluence or Geo-Politics? 
In another piece, I mentioned: "Prime Minister Modi has been promoting a new term, ‘spiritual neighbourhood’. He used it during his trips to Sri Lanka and more recently to Mongolia to link up with Buddhism. It makes for good diplomacy."
On March 19, 2015 the Dalai Lama had met with a delegation of Sri Lankan Theros (senior monks), to discuss about Vinaya, the Buddhist monastic discipline. It was a rather rare occurrence, as the followers of the Buddha rarely ‘exchange’ their views on their respective interpretations of the Buddha’s words.
The Dalai Lama told his Sri Lankan colleagues: “We are all followers of the same Buddha. At a time when scientific minded people are expressing some doubts about religion, many of them are expressing an interest in aspects of the Buddha’s teachings.”
The Tibetan leader then added: “To think of yourself as different from them, as someone special, is to create distance and a barrier between yourself and others, which can lead to isolation and loneliness.”
I then wrote: “It is unfortunately what has happened between the different Buddhist schools over the years (or perhaps centuries),” and I added: “This religious happening [meeting the Sri Lankan monks] has however some strong political connotation and it is a direct outcome of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Sri Lanka.”

Kiren Rijiju arrives at the Conference

The Thimbu Conference
The Thimbu Conference saw some 300 international participants discussing “continuity and change within both historical and contemporary expressions of Vajrayāna Buddhism.”
Though Vajrayana is often associated to ‘Tibetan Buddhism’, no Tibetan invited in Bhutan.
Why?
The answer can probably be found in the historical antagonism between Tibet and Bhutan, but also (and linked to it), in the sectarian clashes between the Drukpa and Gelukpa schools of Buddhism.
The conference was organized by the Central Monastic Body and the Centre for Bhutan Studies & GNH Research (with inputs from Ian Baker, a Buddhist scholar and board member of the International Society for Bhutan Studies, says the official announcement).
The organizers had announced that the speakers would be world-renowned spiritual leaders as well as prominent scholars and neuroscientists researching the effects of yogic and contemplative practices on the human brain and wellbeing. It sounds similar to the decade-old ‘Mind and Body’ programs of the Dalai Lama.
The announcement explained that the 65 speakers from seventeen different countries were “to share their insights and experiences, and engage in discussion.”
The main theme was “Vajrayāna’s dialogue with 21st century science, medicine, and ethics …and contributions to comprehensive human flourishing.”
The conference was linked to Bhutan’s policy of Gross National Happiness (GNH), “a philosophy based on the premise that true development takes place when material, emotional, spiritual, cultural, and environmental well-being are cultivated in unison and mutually reinforcing.”

Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay while opening the Conference declared: “This conference is not only about what we Bhutanese can share with all of you who have come from across the world to experience Vajrayana Buddhism in its living context. We ourselves will benefit greatly by learning more about the forms that Vajrayana Buddhism has adopted in Mongolia, India, Nepal, Myannmar, Russia, Australia, Brazil, Japan, China, Europe, and the United States.”

Kiren Rijiju participates

No Tibet!
What does it mean?
For Bhutan, it is certainly a unique opportunity to push its ‘Happiness’ USP and promote its cultural and heritage.
The Royal Government should be complimented for this.
For Dharamsala, the time has perhaps come to start an ‘intra-faith dialogue’, it is as important (if not more) as the present ‘inter-faith dialogue’ for the survival of the Tibetan identity.
A lot could be said on this. I leave it for some future posts.

The sorry state of India’s Borders

Kiren Rijiju trekking to the border

Sometimes, though it is rare, one reads some good news in the national press. One of these refreshing items, for me at least, was the visit of the Minister of State for Home Affairs, Kiren Rijiju, to the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) posts in Gunji and Kalapani of Pithoragarh District of Uttarakhand.

Another Rediff interview with Kiren Rijiju

According to Sushil Kumar, the District Magistrate, Rijiju went “to take stock of the defence infrastructure in these border areas.”
The young dynamic minister from Arunachal spent a night at Nabhidhang rest house, on the way to Lipulekh-la, no very far from the trijunction between India, Tibet and Nepal.
He is said to have walked the last eight kms from Kalapani to Nabhidhang to reach the last ITBP border post.
And guess what the minister discovered?
A ‘peculiar security concern’, said the local press.
Indian telecom services are not available in these remote areas; as a result, local villagers have to use Nepali SIM cards. Isn’t it shocking?
Rijiju said: “Villagers in this region walk for five days to reach a road. After Dharchula, only Nepal SIM cards work.”
He told The Indian Express: “It’s a shame that in 68 years of independence, we have not been able to provide over 20,000 villagers in this region with roads, electricity and telecommunication. People, including our jawans, use SIM cards bought from Nepal as Indian telecom signals do not reach here. There is no tower in the entire region.”
On his return to the capital, the minister wrote to his colleagues in the Department of Telecom and the Ministry of Defence asking them to immediately remedy this vital lacuna.
This raises several issues.
First, it is not a new phenomenon. Several years ago, I was told by a politician from Arunachal, who had earlier served as a minister, that when he went abroad and he received calls from Tawang, to his surprise, the identification number showed the Chinese ISD code: it meant that calls originating from Tawang were transiting via China. That was long ago, but the situation on the borders does not seem to have improved much.
Then, Rijiju was the first Union minister to visit these areas. Why? It is simply too far from Delhi’s comfort.
Further, Nabhidhang is not an ordinary border post: it is on the track followed by the MEA Yatra to Kasilash-Mansarovar and one of the 3 official landports (with Nathu-la and Shilpi-la) between India and China.
I would be curious to know how many times the Pithoragargh DM has visited this area. Usually, once in a tenure is enough; local officials prefer to dream of a posting in Dehradun.
A larger, but closely linked issue is the migration of populations from India’s frontiers.
A few weeks ago, The Times of India (TOI) reported from Dehradun: “As villages along the international border in Uttarakhand face out-migration on an unprecedented scale, uninhabited areas lie open to territorial claims by the Chinese.”
The journalist studied the case of Niti, the last Indian village, located 26 km south from the Niti pass, which demarcates the border between Tibet and India. For centuries, the village, situated at an altitude of 3,600 metres, saw traders, pilgrims and officials freely moving between the two countries and the area flourished. Unfortunately, all this stopped in 1962; today only 35 families remain in the village; a few decades ago, there were 250.
Trade with Tibet (today China) is dead and the area is virtually closed to outsiders; an Inner Line Permit is not easy to obtain from the local authorities.
Located 88 km from Joshimath, though the village could have been developed into an eco-tourism centre, it was not done. Even amongst the remaining 35 families, most of the young people have moved to the plains in search of a better life.
The Chinese have no qualms to develop their side of the Himalayan range and while Beijing has taken great leaps forward to built its border infrastructure, Delhi has worked at snail’s speed, struggling to create a semblance of infrastructure; migration is the direct outcome of this slow pace.
On the same subject, The Tribune quotes Dr Shamsher Singh Bisht, a social activist: “The rate of migration has increased after June 2013 as most of the people who lost their homes but received compensation preferred to relocate in safer plains.”
Dr Anil Joshi, a ‘gaon bachao’ advocate explains: “Over 3,000 villages in the hills have been abandoned due to policies of the respective state governments which kept neglecting villages when it came to development policies. …A silent migration from rural Uttarakhand is on.”

The 2011 census says that 1,065 villages of the state have been deserted.
Why should a farmer or a pastoralist, living in a remote village of Uttarakhand or near the LAC in Ladakh, remain in his native village when he can earn a decent living by running a small hotel in Dehradun or driving a taxi in Leh.
In one of his monthly radio programs, Maan ki Baat, Prime Minister Modi had announced that he was “deputing Central Government officials to find solutions to problems being faced by the region”. The Ministry of Development of the North-Eastern Region was to send officials to hold week-long camps. The outcome has never been made public.
Remember Verrier Elwin’s A Philosophy for NEFA, so dear to Nehru! Based on French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s theory: “Nothing is so gentle as man in his primitive state, when placed by nature at an equal distance from the stupidity of brutes and the fatal enlightenment of civil man,” the romantic view of the tribal folks ultimately amounted to the segregation of a large chunk of the Indian population and a total lack of development of these strategically important regions.
One of the decisions taken by Modi Sarkar has been to modify the guidelines of the Border Area Development Programme (BADP) drafted some 10 years ago. The BADP is a 100 per cent centrally funded scheme covering in priority all Indian villages located within 10 km of the International Border.
The sucess is doubtful, because despite good intentions, how will the project be implemented on the ground, and crucially how soon?
Another issue is the stagnating petty trade between India and Tibet. Though border trade could have been a way to stop migration, the local babus are not really motivated, while China is not interested to reopen the traditional passes.

Milam village in Pithoragargh district

The serious strategic implication of the depopulation of the entire Himalayan belt is that it has opened wide the door to Chinese incursions.
Take the Barahoti grazing ground in Chamoli district; it was the first area claimed by China as ‘theirs’ in 1954. If there are no Indian grazers to go up with their herds at the beginning of the summer season, the Chinese are quick to send their own to ‘mark’ China’s presence. Recently, Indian district officials had to be sent for a few weeks to ‘stamp India’s presence’ as hardly any grazer from Niti is interested anymore.
Who in Delhi realizes that in case of a conflict, the ‘local’ population will play a crucial role?
Though Mr Modi’s initiative to send officers to the spot is certainly a great improvement in the right direction; a special ‘border’ cadre could also help reverse the tide.
Will Rijiju’s trip be followed by the visit of his colleagues of Defence (who obviously prefers the beaches of Goa for his weekends), Telecom or Road Transport ministries to India’s frontiers?
This would be a boon for the borders of India, but it may not happen.

A Modern Tragedy

Deserted Milam village in Phitoragarh district of Uttarakhand

My article A Modern Tragedy appeared yesterday in The Asian Age and The Deccan Chronicle

Here is the link...

The migration of populations from the frontiers, particularly the borders with China in Ladakh, Uttarakhand or Arunachal Pradesh, is a modern tragedy.
It is rarely mentioned in the Indian press, though a few weeks ago, The Times of India (TOI) reported from Dehra Dun: “As villages along the international border in Uttarakhand face out-migration on an unprecedented scale, uninhabited areas lie open to territorial claims by the Chinese.”
The journalist studied the case of Niti, the last Indian village, located 26 km south from the Niti pass, which demarcates the border between Tibet and India. For centuries, the village, situated at an altitude of 3,600 metres, saw traders, pilgrims and officials freely moving between the two countries and the area was flourishing. Unfortunately, all this stopped in 1962; today only 35 families remain in the village; a few decades ago, there were 250.
Trade with Tibet (today China) is dead and the area is virtually closed to outsiders; an Inner Line Permit is not easy to obtain from the local authorities.
Located 88 km from Joshimath, though the village could have been developed into an eco-tourism centre, it was not done, probably due to the ‘sensitivities’ of the Chinese authorities on the other side of the pass.
Even amongst the remaining 35 families, most of the young people have moved to the plains in search of a better life.
The Chinese have no qualms to develop their side of the Himalayan range and while Beijing has taken great leaps forward to built its border infrastructure, Delhi has worked at snail’s speed, struggling to create a semblance of infrastructure; migration is the direct outcome of this slow pace.
Soon after he took over as the Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, this writer had interviewed Kiren Rijiju, a native of Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh; he had then said, “My immediate concern is to concentrate on the India-China border.” The young and dynamic Minister added, “It means development of infrastructure, roads, communication, other basic amenities; facilities for local people living in the border area. They should be provided with electricity, water, food.”
But it is not a glamourous process; indeed perseverance and an unshakable will are required to change the tide. Migration is today one of the major issues facing the populations along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh or the McMahon line in Arunachal Pradesh.
Why should a farmer or a pastoralist, living near the LAC in Ladakh, remain in his native village with the risk of being harassed by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, when he can earn a decent living as a taxi driver or by running a small hotel in Leh?
Defence analyst, Nitin Gokhale, who visited most of these borders areas, wrote about the sad situation in Ladakh: “Chushul, an important village very close to the border did not have a single landline telephone and the lone mobile tower in the vicinity was more a showpiece than a functional facility. The anger among the villagers at the lack of what is now a basic necessity was palpable.”
It is not an easy challenge. In one of his monthly radio programs, Maan ki Baat, Prime Minister Modi had announced that he was “deputing Central Government officials to find solutions to problems being faced by the region”. The Ministry of Development of the North-Eastern Region was to send officials to hold week-long camps. The outcome has never been made public.
Remember Verrier Elwin’s A Philosophy for NEFA, so dear to Nehru! Based on French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s theory: “Nothing is so gentle as man in his primitive state, when placed by nature at an equal distance from the stupidity of brutes and the fatal enlightenment of civil man,” the romantic view of the tribal folks ultimately amounted to the segregation of a large chunk of the Indian population and a total lack of development of these strategically important regions …and today, irreversible migration.
One of the decisions taken by Modi Sarkar has been to modify the guidelines of the Border Area Development Programme (BADP) drafted some 10 years ago. According to the new notification, “The main objective of the BADP is to meet the special developmental needs and well being of the people living in remote and inaccessible areas situated near the international border.”
The BADP is a 100 per cent centrally funded scheme covering in priority all Indian villages located within 10 km of the International Border. Within the 10 km, some villages are identified by the Border Guarding Forces for most immediate help.
This is one way to counter the Chinese claims, which regularly translates into deep incursions into Indian territory; depopulation plays into the Chinese hands. Will the BADP scheme reduce the migration from the borders? It is doubtful, because despite good intentions, how will the project be implemented on the ground, and crucially how soon?
Another issue is the stagnating petty trade between India and Tibet. While Nathu La is better organised, the traders at Shipki La (Himachal) and Lipulekh La (Uttarakand) face many bureaucratic hurdles. Though border trade could have been a way to stop migration, the local babus are not really motivated, while China is not interested to reopen the traditional passes.
Whether in Uttarakhand, Ladakh or Arunachal, life is hard on the borders.
The serious strategic implication of the depopulation of the entire Himalayan belt is that it has opened wide the door to Chinese incursions.
Take the Barahoti grazing ground in Chamoli district; it is the first area claimed by China as ‘theirs’ in 1954. If there are no Indian grazers to go up with their herds at the beginning of the summer season, the Chinese are quick to send their own to ‘mark’ China’s presence. Recently, Indian district officials had to be sent for a few weeks to ‘stamp India’s presence’ as hardly any grazer from Niti is interested anymore. The TOI admitted: “Barahoti had begun emptying out around eight years ago. Ever since, district officials have been marking the territory at regular intervals.”
And in Delhi, very few ‘strategists’ perceive that in case of a conflict, the ‘local’ population play a crucial role to play.
One possible solution would be to replace the present IAS cadre in these areas by dedicated officers, like it was done in the 1950s and 1960s with the Political Officers (POs) of the defunct Indian Frontier Administrative Service.
Every year, the POs would tour these remote border areas, meet the ‘locals’, get to know their problems and dutifully report in long notes to the ‘durbar’.
One can’t expect young IAS officers, dreaming only of a Delhi posting, to be of the caliber of the old Pos.
Though Mr Modi’s initiative to send officers to the spot is certainly a great improvement in the right direction, a special ‘border’ cadre could help revert the tide. It may soon be too late.

Developed borders are also secure borders

My article Developed borders are also secure borders appeared in the Edit Page of The Pioneer.

Here is the link...

While China has developed Tibet's infrastructure by leaps and bounds, India has been building up its border infrastructure at snail’s pace. The Modi Government has promised a change but this is easier said than done

The Indian electronic media has developed the art of inconsequence: They take an irrelevant issue and for days at the time, go on and on, repeating the same clichés, while ignoring the vital issues facing the nation. One of the subjects which has been grossly neglected is India’s borders, particularly with China in Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh.
While China has taken a great leap forward to develop Tibet’s infrastructure (using the great excuse of having to cater every year for 15 millions Han tourists visiting the Tibetan plateau), India develops its border areas at snail’s pace, struggling to create a semblance of infrastructure.
Soon after he took over as the Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, this writer had interviewed Kiren Rijiju, a native of Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh; he had then said, “My immediate concern is to concentrate on the India-China border. That concern means securing our territory. When I say that we must strengthen our position on the India-China border, it’s not in offensive terms. We don’t want any kind of confrontation; by not developing or strengthening our area along the India-China border, we are indirectly conceding these areas to the other side.”
The young and dynamic Minister added, “It means development of infrastructure, roads, communication, other basic amenities; facilities for local people living in the border area. They should be provided with electricity, water, food.”
It is not a glamourous process; indeed perseverance and an unshakable will are required to change the tide. One of the major issues facing the local population along the Line of Actual Control in Ladakh or the McMahon line in Arunachal Pradesh, is migration. Why should a farmer living near a LAC in Ladakh, remain in his native village, with the risk of being harassed by the People’s Liberation Army, when he can earn a decent living as a taxi driver or by running a small hotel in Leh? The question of migration is indeed most vital to secure India’s borders.
To change this trend is difficult for the Modi sarkar. It is a long complicated process, not thrilling or ‘scoopy’ enough to be heightened by the media. Despite the declared resolve from the present Government, it may take years for proper roads to reach the remotest districts of Arunachal Pradesh…and stop the Chinese ‘visits’ in what Beijing considers its own territory (they call it ‘southern Tibet’).
It is not an easy challenge, but Prime Minister Narendra Modi had the wisdom to realise that the North-East cannot be developed from Delhi. In his latest monthly radio programme Maan ki Baat, he announced that he was “deputing Central Government officials to find solutions to problems being faced by the region”. He announced that the Ministry of Development of the North-Eastern Region will send officials to hold week-long camps. Mr Modi believes that these officials will realise how beautiful the region is and how warm the people are.
We are far from Verrier Elwin’s A Philosophy for NEFA, so dear to Nehru. Based on French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s theory: “Nothing is so gentle as man in his primitive state, when placed by nature at an equal distance from the stupidity of brutes and the fatal enlightenment of civil man.” This philosophy prevailed in the 1950s. In his foreword to the book, Nehru said that he had “began to doubt how far the normal idea of progress was beneficial for these people and, indeed, whether this was progress at all in any real sense of the word.”
This romantic view of the tribal folks ultimately amounted to the segregation of a large chunk of the Indian population and a total lack of development of the region. Nehru had written, “I am not at all sure which is the better way of living, the tribal or our own. In some respects I am quite certain theirs is better. Therefore, it is grossly presumptuous on our part …to tell them how to behave or what to do and what not to do.” Sixty years later, the population in the North-East remains gentle and special, but like the rest of their countrymen, they aspire to a better material life.
One of the decisions taken by the Union Government has been to modify the guidelines of the Border Area Development Programme drafted some 10 years ago. According to the new notification, “The main objective of the BADP is to meet the special developmental needs and well being of the people living in remote and inaccessible areas situated near the international border and to saturate the border areas with the entire essential infrastructure …(with a) participatory approach.”
The BADP is a 100 per cent centrally funded scheme covering in priority all Indian villages located within 10 km of the International Border. Within the 10 km, some villages are identified by the Border Guarding Forces for most immediate help.
This is one way to counter the Chinese claims on Arunachal Pradesh, which regularly translates into deep incursions into the Indian territory (migration plays into the hands of the Chinese as it then becomes easier for them to intrude). The BADP scheme could hopefully help to reduce the migration from the IB.
Despite these good intentions, one will have to watch during the coming months and years, how the project is implemented in the spot. Delhi has added some of its own ‘central’ schemes to the BADP: The Swachch Bharat Abhiyan, skill development programmes; promotion of sports activities, promotion of rural tourism, protection of heritage sites, construction of helipads in remote and inaccessible hilly areas, etc. This is good.
Another issue is the stagnating petty trade between India and Tibet. While Nathu La is better organised, the traders at Shipki La (Himachal) and Lipulekh La (Uttarakand) face many bureaucratic hurdles. Though border trade is a way to stop migration, the local babus are not really motivated. Recently, a Kinnaur India-China Traders’ Association was formed to seek the Government’s help to address the traders’ problems, in particular their demand for setting up of a single window for clearing their permits and also provision for medical facilities on the way to Tibet, but the local Government often remains insensitive.
Mr RS Tolia, who served as the Chief Secretary of Uttarakhand, has suggested regular visits by the Domain Controller and Additional Domain Controller to the border posts. It is what the Political Officers and Assistant POs of the defunct Indian Frontier Administrative Service used to do in the 1950s and 1960s; and they sent long and most informative reports about local issues to the ‘babus’ in Delhi. One can’t expect young Indian Administrative Service officers to be of the caliber of the old POs, but Mr Modi’s initiative to send officers on the spot, is certainly a great improvement in the correct direction. Even if we don’t read anything in the news, let us hope for the best for Indian borders.

Why India needs to get tough with China

My article Why India needs to get tough with China appeared in Rediff.com

'It is certainly time for New Delhi to open up. Not only should it go ahead at full steam with the roads to the LAC, but the government must also allow tourists to visit these stunningly beautiful areas of Indian territory,' says Claude Arpi.

China is unhappy about India's plans to build a road on the southern side of the McMahon Line in Arunachal Pradesh.
A couple of weeks ago, Hong Lei, the Chinese foreign ministry spokesman, stated 'The boundary issue between China and India is left by the colonial past. We need to deal with this issue properly. Before a final settlement is reached, we hope that India will not take any actions that may further complicate the situation.'
'We should jointly safeguard peace and tranquility of the border area and create favourable conditions for the final settlement of the border issue,' he further asserted.
The proposed billion dollar project on the Indian side of the India-Tibet border was announced by Union Minister of State for Home Affairs Kiren Rijiju during a visit to his home state, Arunachal Pradesh.
Rijiju hoped the construction of the 1,800 km road could begin soon. The minister also said the road would be the 'biggest single infrastructure project in the history of India.'
One could, of course, have asked Hong when China decided to build a road through the Aksai Chin plateau in the early 1950s, was not Beijing 'complicating' the border issue with India?
More recently, during his monthly press conference, Chinese defence ministry spokesman Yang Yujun also 'urged India not to take actions that will complicate the situation on the border, where the two countries have territorial disputes.'
Yang's remarks were made in response to a question about Delhi's plan to build 54 border posts in Arunachal Pradesh ('Southern Tibet' for Beijing).
'We have taken notice of the reports,' Yang Yujun said, adding, 'China and India have disputes over the eastern part of their border. We hope India will try to help maintain stability and peace in the border areas, instead of taking moves that may further complicate the situation.'
China, which has built extremely good roads to the LAC, objects to India struggling to build infrastructure to her side of the LAC where the terrain is extremely difficult.
From the Indian side, there is a strange feature to the plan announced by the government: The road would run parallel to the LAC in Arunachal Pradesh.
Lieutenant General J S Bajwa (retd), the editor of the Indian Defence Review who has held senior positions in the Indian Army's Eastern Command, believes the project is 'specious at best and is likely to remain a pipe-dream for a long time to come.'
The general writes in the IDR: 'In 1997-1998 there was a determined move by the then National Democratic Alliance government displaying a purposeful urgency in an effort to construct road axes right up to our northern boundary. It was then planned to construct a total of 11 roads. Nine roads were in Arunachal Pradesh towards the LAC. One road was to be constructed in the then Uttar Pradesh and one in Ladakh.'
Even for a non-expert, it makes sense to reach the LAC by following the valleys and rivers, all flowing in a north-south direction. Who had this awkward idea, to say the least, to cut across the mountain ranges to have a road 'parallel' to the McMahon Line?
When I asked an Arunachalee friend who knows the area well, what he thought of the 'parallel' road, he just laughed, he did not even want to answer.
As General Bajwa explains: 'The geographical peculiarity of Arunachal is that the river valleys and the mountain ranges in the state run more or less in a north-south alignment. Between the Kameng sector in the west and the lower Subansari, in the centre, there is a vast swathe of land that is unassailable. The major rivers east of Kameng sector are Kameng, Kamla, Kurang, Subansari, Shyom, Siang, Dibang, and Lohit. These rivers have their source in the north in the glaciated regions along the watershed and some north of the watershed too.'
Knowing well the topography of the area, the general adds: 'The volume of water and the current of these rivers, particularly in the monsoon season is awesome. As a consequence these rivers have created deep gorges along their course down to the plains.'
Are some people in Delhi or Itanagar trying to sabotage the entire project whose main objective is to reach troops to the border as quickly as possible in case of conflict?

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Who is complicating what?

Amazing Chinese!
They are unhappy about India’s plans to build a road on the southern side of the McMahon Line in Arunachal Pradesh.
Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Hong Lei stated that India should not “take any actions that may further complicate the situation.”
"The boundary issue between China and India is left by the colonial past. We need to deal with this issue properly. Before a final settlement is reached, we hope that India will not take any actions that may further complicate the situation”, Hong said.
He added: “We should jointly safeguard peace and tranquility of the border area and create favourable conditions for the final settlement of the border issue.”
The proposed billion-dollar project on the Indian side of the India-Tibet border was announced by Kiren Rijiju, the Minister of State for Home Affairs during a visit to his home State.
Rijiju hoped that the construction of the 1,800km long road could begin soon. The Minister also said that the road would be the “biggest single infrastructure project in the history of India.”
One could ask Mr. Hong: when China decided to build a road through the Aksai China plateau in the early 1950s, was not Beijing ‘complicating’ the issue with India.
Yesterday on this blog, I mentioned two roads (today highways) which in the 1950s changed the military and strategic stakes on the plateau (the Qinghai-Tibet and the Sichuan Tibet highways).
At a time when China criticizes New Delhi for planning a road on India’s own territory, The China Daily assets that “The nation [China] has the capability to build an expressway linking up Tibet Autonomous Region and Qinghai Province in west China if major technical barriers are overcome.”
The newspaper quotes Wang Shuangjie, Party's chief of the CCCC First Highway Consultants Co., Ltd., a technical consultant for the planned project, who affirms: “Technically, we have the confidence to build the Qinghai-Tibet Expressway."
Wang and his team believe that the main technical barrier lies in the 500-km frozen earth belt along the planned 1,900-km expressway that links Lhasa with Qinghai’s provincial capital Xining. The Chinese engineers are aware of the extreme conditions on the Plateau, i.e. high altitude, low oxygen content, strong solar radiation and freezing temperature, which are serious technical challenges for the expressway's construction.
Wang said that the expressway will span over areas where the average altitude is above 4,500 meters and annual average temperature below zero.
The China Daily believes that Wang and his team need also to address problems concerning the possible environmental consequences of the construction (melting of permafrost?) and come up with proper technology to take care of the fragile ecological environment.
China has already completed the construction of the roadbed of the expressway's 300-km section between Xining and Caka in Qinghai, while construction of the 400-km section linking Xining with Golmud is also under way. The Chinese newspaper adding: “The rest of the 1,100-km section remains a hard nut to crack for engineers.”
China already ‘complicated’ the situation for India by bringing the train to Lhasa in July 2006 (and now to Shigatse); the express-highway from Xining to Lhasa will further tilt the strategic balance.
But that it not all, to complicate the situation further, Beijing plans to invest 278 million yuan (US $ 45 million) for expanding the Mainling (Nyingtri) airport. The Central Government has already allocated 139.5 million yuan (US $ 23 million) and the balance will be provided by the civil aviation development fund.
China Tibet Online says: “The abundant tourism resources and many famous scenic spots in the region attract more and more tourists to Nyingtri [Chinese Nyingchi] as their first stop for Tibet. In the first half year of 2014, Nyingchi totally received 836,200 tourists from home and aboard.
This airport is located north of the McMahon Line.

The Nyingtri Development and Reform Commission announced that, from January to September 2014, the Nyingtri/Mainling airport transported 246,611 passengers, up 17.5% from the same period in 2013.
Meanwhile, the airport handled a total of 2,734 takeoff and landing flights and 961.8 tons of cargo, up 17.7% and 74.6% from 2013 respectively.
Nyingtri/Mainling is the second largest (and lowest airport with an altitude of 2,900 meters) in Tibet.
It is built on the banks of the Yarlung Tsangpo (Brahmaputra), north of the McMahon Line.
For India, it is extremely worrying and it definitively complicates the situation on the north-eastern frontiers.
The train to Nyingtri in 2020 will further exacerbate the border row.
And then, the train to Chumbi Valley!
And of course, the train to Kyirong (see yesterday's post)
Mr. Hong Lei should check his facts before making statements.

The Neglected Frontiers of India

The report by NDTV posted below is interesting because it is one of the rare times when Indian journalists were allowed by the government to visit border areas.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is a man of many firsts.
His office should take the initiative to regularly organize media trips to the borders in Ladakh, Himachal Pradesh (Shipkila), Uttarakhand (Mana, Lipulek-la, etc.), Northern Sikkim and Arunachal.
The journalists should be briefed on the local issues by the civil administrations (District Commissioners, etc.) as well as by the Army and the paramilitary forces (ITBP, SSB and others).
It would be a first to make known to the general public the issues faced by the people living on the border. It could be a first step towards a greater integration of the Indian frontier areas.
In my interview with Kiren Rijiju, the Minister of State in the Ministry of Home Affairs, he mentioned about relocating people in these areas, but it is a much more difficult exercise, which will take more time and planning.
To bring the media may also highlight some negative issues such as the lack of infrastructure, the poor communication network, the tensions between the local population and the paramilitary forces, etc.
But if these issues are known to the general public, it could be the first step to correct them and make sure that the patriotic border populations do not migrate further towards the 'big' towns of Leh, Gangtok or Itanagar.
By the way, in the NDTV's report, one sees that the Zorawar Fort near Demchok, which is in the hands of the Chinese, one also sees the newly-constructed guest house on the Chinese side. See my posting on this a few weeks ago.

Ground Report from Ladakh's Neglected Border Areas
Nitin Gokhale
August 16, 2014
Demchok, Ladakh:  Chewang Rinchin, resident of Merak Village along the Pangong Lake is angry. For years, he and fellow residents of this village that partly serves as the Line of Actual Control with China, feel totally let down by the government for not providing even the basic amenities to them.
He is a vocal participant in the rare meeting the villagers have with the District Collector. Villagers resent their backwardness more because on the other side of the LAC, China is developing border areas faster.
Rinchin says a vital road connecting his village to district capital Leh is absent so many years after Independence. "If you look at the Chinese side, barely 10 km from here, they have developed their area so well. What crime have we done not to even get as basic a facility as a road," he asks this reporter, perhaps the first to reach here.
Ladakh District Collector Simrandeep Singh and officers of the Indo-Tibetan Border Police listen to the woes patiently. Mr Singh gives some instant decision but years of neglect cannot be undone in some months. The story gets repeated in every village along the LAC.
At Demchok, the last and the southern most village in south eastern Ladakh, is where Indus enters India.
"First of all the BADP funding was required to increase over the years. It has always remained around 10-13 crore which has to be spend in about 30-odd villages which are along the LAC and Line of Control on the Pakistan side. So, the funding hasn't increased much. Even if we ignore the funding, this is the area we are severely short of staff. Today you must have noticed when I was interacting with the villagers they do not have the junior engineers in this entire block and a junior engineer is very important in rural development for preparing bills and insuring that the works take on the ground and finally for the payments after the works are done... this poses multiple challenge, our side constantly feel that they are being ignored. So the challenge to keep the people happy," Mr Singh told NDTV.
However, the well laid out residential colonies on the Chinese side are clearly visible in total contrast to poorly equipped housing on Indian side.
The Demchok nullah serves as the LAC. On the other side of the nullah is the Chinese side where the People's Liberation Army (PLA) has made buildings for civilians that are made of concrete and look modern, whereas on the Indian side, the buildings are primitive and shabby. So, the people living here resent the presence of Chinese, and may be tempted to actually go to the other side. That's the danger India faces far as border population in Ladakh is concerned.

Rijiju on Modi sarkar: Discipline can't be termed as dictatorship

Tsona Rinpoche who recently passed away

Part Two of my Rediff interview (with Sheela Bhatt) of Kiren Rijiju, Minister of State for Home Affairs

‘Our weather conditions are determined by the lofty Himalayan ranges, 90 percent of the fresh water to India comes from the Himalayan region. If the Himalayan region is protected, then India’s future is bright. But if the Himalayan region is in danger, it will be a disaster for our country.’

‘Every politician has his own trait. Modiji is unique in many senses. His idea about anything is precise and sharp. His working style is focused. Any decision is fast and quick.’
 
‘People were looking for leadership for the country. For a long time it was perceptible to everybody that India lacked a leader. Without strong leadership you cannot get a direction for the country.’

Minister of State for Home Kiren Rijiju speaks of his plans in the second and final part of an exclusive interview to Claude Arpi and Sheela Bhatt.

In this final part of his interview, he speaks of the policies of the Modi government for the Himalayan belt and what Modi’s election as the prime minister means.

A few questions related to Arunachal Pradesh: 

Tsona (TG) Rinpoche recently passed away in very tragic circumstances and his funeral witnessed some law and order problems. Would you like to comment? Do you see nefarious forces behind this tragic incident?

It is difficult to pinpoint the reason for the tragic death of T.G. Rinpoche. But it’s a tragedy for all of us. He was young, a highly revered lama and he took this extreme step. I could not really come to terms with what might be the reason for that.
It’s not really comprehensible in my mind. It is a great loss, not just for Arunachal, but the entire Himalayan region because he is the president of the Himalayan Buddhist Association and so many organisations. Rinpoche was running so many institutes. He was the most influential Buddhist leader of the country. This is really unfortunate.

Do you think the Chinese could use his demise and his reincarnation? Tsona is located in Tibet, isn’t it?

Yes, Tsona is around 70 km off Tawang. About the Chinese, I cannot really comment. I hope a controversy like the Karmapa or the Panchen Lama doesn’t happen. Especially because Rinpoche was from my own region, I hope his reincarnation takes place in Mon Tawang region (Tawang and West Kameng districts) or in any of the Himalayan Buddhist regions within Indian territory.
That’s my wish, but these have serious religious connotations. I cannot really apprehend what could have happened. It’s difficult to say. But it was a tragedy, an unbearable loss.

In Arunachal, you have people who are either anti-dams or pro-dams. It is an issue that has divided the people in Arunachal and in Uttarakhand. Any comments?

In Arunachal, the whole hydro power issue has been mishandled. We need power, but the way the projects were given away raised suspicion in the minds of the people. They have become suspicious because you can award two or three projects but you cannot have the entire basin in one go. It was so haphazardly done that people started objecting.
Personally, I’m not in favour of big dams; but I’m in favour of small or medium dams that are environmentally sustainable, can generate revenue for the state and produce power for the country.
India is a power deficient country and I hope that we generate a good amount of hydro electricity power from Arunachal, but certainly not by tapping those ultra mega power projects in our state which are not good for the local people, as well as the state.
What about the diversion of the Brahmaputra which the Chinese have constantly denied since 2006? Though they are still denying that any such type of project is on the cards, it appears that some engineers in China are still thinking about it.
The original plan was to be carried out in the 1950s. Today, their western route involves the Yarlung Tsangpo (Brahmaputra) river. This is known as the western diversion. Now, whether it is going to materialise or not is still not very clear.
It has been reported that their project was going on, however the dams that they are constructing today on the Tsangpo river are only run-of-the river dams.

I’m speaking of the big one in Metok area, north of Upper Siang district…

We have to understand this from two points. If they’re going to generate 30,000 megawatts at Metok, then they cannot divert the river. The water has to fall down (to produce electricity); if they divert the river they cannot generate that kind of electricity.
This is a technical issue: once the river is diverted from the Great Bend (of the Brahmaputra), to then generate that kind of electricity seems difficult.
Recently, there was a plan to use the 30,000 megawatts generated in Metok to pump the water up towards Gansu and Qinghai provinces.
If that technology exists and if they’re planning to use it, then it is dangerous for us. We hope that the Chinese government will only take such steps after consultation with India. Both countries are planning to move together, to have a better understanding.
When both these huge countries have an understanding and a plan to move together, I hope that the Chinese side will not take such extreme steps.

Any comment on Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi's statement that China was giving stapled visas to people of Arunachal ‘out of goodwill’?

That was quite a complicated statement. I could not really understand the intention or the meaning of what the foreign minister said. He wanted to sound positive towards us, but (China’s) action is not exactly that. But I will not be able to comment on what he had intended till our external affairs ministry comes out with a statement.

The question of having a ministry for the Himalayas has come up. In the Lok Sabha, your party has 11 out of 13 seats from the region. What are your views on a Himalayan ministry or how it could help tackling environmental and security issues in the region?

The entire Himalayan region is not just sacred to us, but it is environmentally very crucial for the subcontinent. Our weather conditions are determined by the lofty Himalayan ranges, 90 percent of the fresh water to India comes from the Himalayan region. If the Himalayan region is protected, then India’s future is bright. But if the Himalayan region is in danger, it will be a disaster for our country.
When we talk about having an authority or a ministry for the Himalayan region, it will deal with every aspect of the region. This whole Himalayan region has a unique identity of its own.
Never before has the Himalayan region been given the importance that our government has given: by cleaning the Ganga or taking care of the pristine, yet very fragile environmental condition of the whole of Himalayan region. So as an MP from the Himalayan region I’m very hopeful that a road map will be laid out and action will start very soon.

Could you envisage having a group of MPs in the Lok Sabha dealing with the Himalayas?
 
Yes, during the 14th Lok Sabha, I was the convener of the Himalayan parliamentary forum. I have already dealt with this subject long back. Now I’m the minister myself, I will bring some synergy with the members of Parliament for the entire Himalayan belt, Ladakh, Mandi belt in Himachal, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.
We are definitely going to have a sitting because our problems are similar; if we sit together and come up with a strategy, then it will help the government in formulating policies.

The PM said recently that all the ministries should clarify the division of work between the Cabinet minister and the minister of state. During the last 10 years, all the MoS of the United Progressive Alliance government were not given enough work by their ministers. What is your position?

I don’t think that we will face this kind of situation. In my case, my senior minister, Rajnath Singh, is party president and I have been his colleague, as one of the office-bearers of the party. We have a long working relationship; now we are both in the home ministry and I’m very comfortable with him.
We are working together, for every presentation, with security agencies, for developmental schemes taken up by our ministry. My senior minister has made me very comfortable in the ministry. In fact, I should complement the synergy in the ministry under the leadership of this dynamic leader.

When did you meet Narendra Modi for the first time, what was your first impression and how did your relationship grow?

When I was general secretary of the Arunachal Pradesh BJP; it was in 1999. Modiji was national general secretary. We had met on many occasions. I remember a north-eastern workers’ training programme, which brought us, north-eastern BJP leaders, to Thane near Mumbai. Modiji came and took a class.

What was it about?

It was about the efficiency required for the organisation and how the party leaders should devote their time to expand the party work and its pace. The classes taken by Modiji were very effective and everybody appreciated that he was really hardworking and intelligent.

Did the thought that he’ll become the prime minister one day cross your mind?

I always thought that Modiji will forever be in the party organisation, but when he was made the chief minister of Gujarat in 2002 I thought that was the best decision the party has ever taken.

What makes him different or special? He is also a politician.

Every politician has his own trait. Modiji is unique in many senses. His idea about anything is precise and sharp. His working style is focused. Any decision is fast and quick. He is tireless and we get a lot of inspiration looking at him. Even if I’m tired, I look at him. He’s forever fresh.

Does he understand the intricacies of the north-east's issues?

When he was general secretary, he visited the north-eastern region many times. He understands the north-eastern people. We’re so lucky to have him as our PM and I’m lucky to serve under him.

Why were you selected?

We don’t lobby for ministries in BJP, like people in other parties do. It doesn’t look nice to put yourself forward; it is unbecoming. So we left everything to Modiji.

Please tell us your broader view of what has happened in India, on the change that India has witnessed.

People were looking for leadership in the country. For a long time it was perceptible to everybody that India lacked a leader. Without strong leadership you cannot get a direction for the country. Direction must be driven by strong leadership. That leadership was provided by Modi. When he came into the scene, people felt he is the man we’re looking for.
The Congress lacks leadership. They have a dynastic system where quality doesn’t come into the picture. The vision doesn’t come into the picture; it is the family name that is driving the party. There was a clear cut choice in front of the people, especially the younger generation. We have a fantastic future for the country and a fantastic leader (Modi).

How should normal Indians understand the north-east? Because, some attacks and killings in Delhi in recent times are so shocking.

First of all, we should not see the problems of north-eastern people as a problem of the north-eastern region. Suppose a person of the north-eastern region is being harassed or discriminated against, it is the problem of the country.
India has faced huge problems in the past 200 years under the British rule. It is we, Indians, who complained that we were being racially abused (by the British). If we ourselves are practising the same thing within the country, is it tolerable? No.
Secondly, India is multi-racial, multi-ethnic country. If the identity of India is not put into practice, then the idea of India is demolished.
Thirdly, the challenge before us is that India is a huge country. I cannot tell a person living in a remote corner of Karnataka to know about Mizoram. How will he know about Mizoram? The only way to let them know is through connectivity, education, publicity.
Suppose I’m here as a minister in home ministry, if I’m visible, I’m letting people know who’s the MoS of the home ministry, then people know where Kiren Rijiju comes from; the MoS is from Arunachal Pradesh, that way we come to know each other.

Many people have a fear that the Modi government is going to be a closed one and very dictatorial. What are your views?

Discipline and closed coordination within a system cannot be termed as dictatorial in any manner. We have come to power with a popular mandate, we are discharging our duty and fulfilling the wishes of the people.
We are trying to bring some discipline in our working system, everything is being streamlined; it has to be seen from this perspective. Some people might be saying that Modiji is trying to centralise power, it’s totally wrong.

Kiren Rijiju: 'We must strengthen our position on China border'

My interview (with Sheela Bhatt) of Kiren Rijiju, Minister of State for Home Affairs.

Kiren Rijiju: 'We must strengthen our position on China border'
June 17, 2014

Sheela Bhatt and Claude Arpi in New Delhi
‘We’re not pursuing an expansionist foreign policy; we’re not going to have an aggressive policy. But that does stop us from developing our own area; by not developing or strengthening our area along the Indo-China border, we are indirectly conceding these areas to the other side (China).’

‘Every country has a policy of settling populations in their border areas to secure the border. In India, the previous government followed the reverse policy, telling people not to go to the border areas.’

‘We have a huge task at hand. It is not easy to ensure connectivity in the border areas because for the last 68 years we have not done enough. That is why it is going to take time. But we must begin now.’

Minister of State for Home Kiren Rijiju speaks of his plans in this first of a two-part exclusive interview to Sheela Bhatt and Claude Arpi.

In 2008, Rediff.com spoke to Kiren Rijiju, then a member of the ‘young brigade’ in the 14th Lok Sabha. At 38, he was considered one of the most outspoken parliamentarians of his generation. He is not only young but articulate, educated and a leader with clarity of thoughts as well.
Today, Rijiju has assumed new responsibilities. He has been appointed as minister of state in the ministry of home affairs to assist Rajnath Singh. More than ever, Rijiju is the ‘face of the north-east’ in Parliament and Narendra Modi’s Cabinet.
Rijiju spoke to Rediff.com’s Sheela Bhatt and Claude Arpi about his new responsibilities, the importance of having someone from the north-east in the home ministry, about the situation on India’s borders, the policies of the Modi government for the Himalayan belt and the meaning of Modi’s election as the new prime minister.

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