The Living Communist Buddhas

The Chinese Panchen Lama

Soon after the name of the new elected Tibetan Prime Minister was announced and as Lobsang Sangay pledged to be more active on the Tibetan front, the Communist government in Beijing once more demonstrated how hard it works to prepare the post-Dalai Lama era.
One of the modus operandi of the Communist regime is to flood the media with information showing that the Communist Party is a great supporter of ‘pure’ Buddhism.
Of course, ‘pure’ means, a Buddhism non-contaminated by what China calls the ‘Dalai’s Clique’.
The Communist government, through the Buddhist Association of China (BAC) has awarded certificates of ‘Living Buddhas’ (or reincarnated lamas or tulkus) to over 1,300 chosen individuals.

I have already written about Fake Lamas, Communist Lamas.

The biographical details of these Living Communist Buddhas should help the followers of Buddhism in the Mainland to check their authenticity, says Xinhua.
A few months ago, the BAC had released a first list of 870 ‘selected’ ones.
At that time, the BAC had argued that the growing number of frauds was a problem as a number of 'fake lamas' were trying to cheat the Buddhist followers.
The list was intended to tackle this issue.
However the main purpose of the exercise is obviously to keep the Dalai Lama and other high lamas in exile, out of the ‘holy’ list.
Xinhua says that the biographical information of the second batch of 441 Rinpoches “brings the publication of the information of Rinpoches in China almost to an end.”
The Dalai Lama did not make it.
According to Xinhua, it is “a concrete step to implement the guidelines of the national conference on the work of religions held recently.”
The Guidelines say that it is the Party who decides who is a reincarnation and who is not.
Since then the list is online at:

www.chinabuddhism.com.cn,
www.sara.gov.cn
and www.tibet.cn,

According to the BAC, these sites receive an average of 98,000 hits per day.
It shows that China is interested by Buddhism. Isn’t it?
China Tibet Online asserted that the publication of the list will safeguard “the rights and interests of Tibetan Buddhists and also increased public understanding about living Buddhas.”
The 441 lucky new entrants are mainly from Sichuan Province, while the first 870 were from Tibet, Yunnan, Gansu, Qinghai, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang and Liaoning.
China Tibet Online noted that the publication brought about strong repercussions in religious circles. It quoted Drukhang Thubtan Khedrup, the BAC Vice Chairman saying that: “it helps promote the understanding of the public on Tibetan Buddhism and rinpoches.”
Interestingly the BAC pledged that no major adjustment will be made on this inquiry system in the future: “only the information of the newly reincarnated and deceased Rinpoches will be updated to make the information of every true Rinpoche known to the public.”
Beijing will probably be the first to enter the name and details of the 15th Dalai Lama; it will obviously be Beijing’s own choice …a reincarnation with Chinese characteristics.
Let us hope that Dharamsala will react and publish a White Paper on the issue.

Tibetan Democracy: random thoughts

Democracy: something one may not see in Tibet soon

Some thoughts about the recent Tibetan elections

Elections for the post of Sikyong (Prime Minister of the CTA) as well for Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies were recently held.
As someone who has been following ‘Tibetan affairs’ for the last 45 years, I wish put down in writing some my thoughts on the recent election of the Sikyong, which has attracted a lot of ink in the media (and keyboarding on the Net).
Let us start by a small telling observation: the social networks have played a role like never before in the election process. This can have negative or positive features, but, overall, it should be seen as a sign of growing awareness and active involvement of the Tibetan society in their leader’s election. As Tibet-in-exile is a free society, this should be encouraged, with self-restraint, of course.
Looking back, since 1959, His Holiness the Dalai Lama (HHDL) can claim, in my opinion, three great achievements in the political field:

• HHDL reunited the different parts of Tibet (let us not forget that in October 1950, when the Communist troops entered ‘Tibet’, they crossed the Upper Yangtze (Drichu). It means that, territories east of the Drichu were not de facto under the control of Lhasa). Today, the map of Tibet with the 3 provinces of U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo is accepted by all Tibetans; it was not the case in the 1950s. It is a historic achievement.
• HHDL reunited the different schools of Buddhism. Historically, Tibet has witnessed a lot of conflicts between the different religious schools. HHDL has given a voice to all the schools (including the Bon faith). This is an important progress.
• In March 2011, HHDL offered full democracy to the People of Tibet. This is an earth-shaking change for the Tibetan nation.

The recent elections are the result of this gift from HHDL.

Democracy as a system
Democracy cannot be said to be a perfect system, but it has good features as well as not so good ones. It is however far superior to the one-party system prevalent in Modern China.
Beijing is often pointing to the failures of the Western democracies, but its own system is today on the brink of collapsing; as a result, more and more repressions have to be applied to keep it going.
Democracy is sometimes chaotic (we can see this every day in India), but it ultimately brings a sort of stability in the society and the possibility for what Communist China calls ‘the masses’, to express themselves and change their leaders when they are unhappy or deceived. In other words, the voice of the ‘common men and women’ can be heard.
The system of rule by reincarnations was a poor system of governance:

• It left a gap of 20 odd years between two reincarnations/political leaders
• It was subject to manipulation by external forces (eg: the cases of the 10th and 11th Panchen Lama)
• In the interregnum, Tibet has often had mediocre regents, unable to give a lead to the nation (during the interregnum of the 14th Dalai Lama, the power struggle between 2 regents was so bad that it nearly lead Tibet to a civil war).
• Just take the 19th century, the Manchus fully used the fact that the 9th, 10th, 11th and 12th Dalai Lamas passed away too early to rule, to ‘return’ to Tibet.

A modern nation can't afford such an antiquated system.
Therefore ‘democracy’, though imperfect, is the best system until the human society reaches the level of a Gnostic or Spiritual Society, where the ‘wisest’ will automatically come to the fore to organize the public life. It may take some time.

Present Sikyong Elections

• Tibet had the good luck to have a remarkable man elected as the first Kalon Tripa. It was Tibet’s good karma.
• It is important to keep in mind that this does not mean that the ‘best man’ is automatically and always taking the right decision for his people (remember the Greek Gods who often led their people to their doom).
• On the other hand, even if an elected leader is not perfect, it does not mean that the system is not good and in this particular case, that Tibet should not continue with this system of governance.
• Usually, in other societies (for example in India), anti-incumbency plays an important role to bring fresh blood into the system.
• Things are different in the Tibetan society where there is an immense respect for the established hierarchy. In fact, many believe that the Dalai Lama had to ‘force democracy’ down reluctant Tibetan throats; everybody was quite happy to depend on their wise leader to guide and tell them what to do with their lives; ultimately, it does not empower the ‘people’.
• It is true that even in exile, a deep veneration for the leader/lamas has remained ingrained in the Tibetan psyche. It should not stop people to have an independent thinking of their own.
• At the beginning of the campaign of this election, it is interesting to note that there was no anti-incumbency vote; this partially explains Lobsang Sangay’s high score in the first round.
• During the campaign for the second round, it is regrettable that the debate did not reach the expected level; however, on the positive side, it has been one of the few opportunities for the Tibetan society to debate the functioning of its administration and point a finger at what was considered wrong or unacceptable.
• At the same time, the election process should not be an excuse for ‘regionalism’ to return as a plague for the Tibetan nation. Regionalism apparently played an important role in the recent election. There is nothing wrong in regional representation, but regional favoritism should be avoided at all cost by the new leadership. It has not always been the case. I believe HHDL said this to the 2 candidates in no uncertain terms.
• To an outsider, the CTA seems to be a very opaque organization. Instead of openly debating serious (and sometimes negative) issues facing the society in general, these problems are often kept under wraps (I remember the case of a Tibetan who had raped a girl in a Tibetan settlement; the first ‘official’ reaction was to hush up the incident, because “it is not good for the cause”. But a rape is a rape, whether committed by a French, a Chinese or a Tibetan and it should be denounced with full vigour). One could give many other such cases.
• It is true that some of the arguments/points mentioned during the campaign should have come out earlier during the term of the Sikyong (particularly the issues raised by Kasur Dicki Chhoyang). However, apart from the debate at the Assembly, there are very few opportunities for the ‘common man’ to express himself or know what is happening behind the opaque curtains of Gangkyi.
• In this context, it is interesting to note that the incumbent Sikyong did not fare well in Gangkyi area. There is obviously a trust issue which needs to be looked at and ironed out.
• In the future the press should take a more active role and openly speak of the thorny political issues facing the society. For example, the problem of ‘health services’ recently brought up by HHDL should have been raised long ago by a vibrant media.
• Old Tibet had ‘street songs’ making fun or criticizing the leaders/lamas, what is replacing this today?
• Personally, I feel that it is wrong for the gods or the ‘protectors’ to interfere in the ‘common man’s elections. Without judging the former’s competence and knowledge of geopolitics (or just in politics), the time has come for ‘common men’ to think for themselves; keeping in mind that in some cases they may take the wrong decisions, the ‘masses’ should be empowered (even if that means having different perspectives than HHDL). It is what China will never be able to do; the present regime can built beautiful modern airports, safe highways or comfortable five-star hotels, but people are not allowed to think on their own.
• More important than to take the right or wrong decisions, it is essential to learn from past errors and avoid the same mistakes in the future.
• The Buddha taught his disciples: 'As the wise test gold by burning, cutting and rubbing it on a piece of touchstone, so are you to accept my words only after examining them and not merely out of regard for me."
• Democracy likewise should be burnt, cut, rubbed and tested again and again and ultimately perfected. External interference cannot help much the empowerment of the Tibetan society.

It may be possible to avoid the ‘boxing’ encounters during the campaign; it is happening in most democracies: just look at the present US Presidential Elections campaign. It is part of the ‘imperfection’ of the system, simply because our societies (and the human composing them) are imperfect.
One has to make with it, and just get the best of it.

How to make the Tibetan Administration more transparent?

• The Tibetans should have a vibrant, independent and fearless press (including investigative journalism). For this, the Tibetan mindset has to change; criticism should be taken as an occasion to ‘change’. The society does need to wait to receive ‘critics’ from HHDL or other religious leaders; the Tibetan should become more ‘positively’ critical.
• Take the example of the recently released ‘Panama Papers’, it is ‘positive’ criticism, which will hopefully help the world to be more just.
• Implement an RTI Act for the CTA. It would go a long way to better understand the opaque functioning of the CTA. Once again, cases such as the one mentioned by HHDL for the health facilities in the Tibetan settlements could have been raised much earlier and taken care of.
• Women should play a more important role in the Sikyong elections (why not have 50% female Kalons?). In a modern society, women are often able to give a lead that a man is unable to provide.

Tasks in front of the new Sikyong

• Hopefully the new Sikyong will be able to fit the description given by Kasur Dicki Chhoyang at the time of her resignation. The Kasur also raised the issue of regionalism vs unity of Tibet; this should be taken seriously.
• The new Sikyiong’s choice for the next Kalons should be dictated only by what is the best for the Tibetans in exile and the Tibetans inside Tibet and not by personal acquaintances or personal preferences.
• The new Kalons should be role models for the Tibetans inside Tibet (and the Chinese government).
• The new Sikyong should establish a close connection and understanding with the Government of India at all levels, in all domains.
• He should be in touch with what is happening in Tibet and China and provide an alternative to the Chinese schemes or at least comment on it (for example when the Chinese provide a database of the ‘Living Buddhas’ or when the Chinese invade Tibet bringing tens of millions of tourists on the plateau).
• Why not have a Department headed by a Kalon for ‘Inside Tibet’ Affairs?
• And if the Chinese do something good, why not say it!
• Since several years, the Chinese have always been a few steps in advance on Dharamsala in terms of information/propaganda. It is sad.
• The new Sikyong should take more responsibilities; since HHDL has delegated his political power, the new elected leader should act as a leader on his own (always keeping the general good in mind).
• Human resources should not vanish under the US/European sky, but remain in India and work for the general good of the Tibetan community.
• The CTA needs to have a think-tank which ‘thinks’ of solutions for the future of the Tibetan nation
• The CTA also needs a good professional spokesperson who will be able to articulate the policies of the CTA (after these policies are decided); particularly the policies vis-à-vis China. He should also be able to tackle difficult questions on the life of the society in exile.

These are some of my thoughts.
Tibetan democracy is clearly going through a period of apprenticeship; overall it is doing fairly well.
The most important task is to empower the ‘common man/woman’.

Civilian intrastructure used for military purpose on the plateau

I have often written about the dual use of the infrastructure in China (and particularly on the Tibetan plateau).
Yesterday, Xinhua reported that during their bi-monthly session, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC) discussed a new law on national defense transport.
The legislation will cover the use of railways, waterways and air routes for defense purposes as well as civilian purposes.
According to Xinhua: “The new law is expected to regulate the planning, construction, management and use of resources in transportation sectors such as railways, roads, waterways, aviation, pipelines and mail services, for national defense.”
The idea is to integrate military and civilian resources and make sure that the national defense transport network is compatible “with market and economic development”.
It is what Zhao Keshi, head of the Logistical Support Department of the Central Military Commission, told the legislators.
A national authority will be formed with the objective of “overseeing the national defense transport network”.
The main players will be the local governments, military departments and more importantly, the newly-created Theater Commands.
They will be jointly responsible to implement the new law.
Xinhua explains: “A consultation mechanism will be established between local governments and military departments to disseminate and discuss information on construction plans, ongoing projects and demands.”
And when the needs occurred, civilian transport vehicles and facilities will be pressed into service by the PLA.
The concept behind the new law is that the national defense transport should consider the needs of both peace and war times and vice-versa, when the civilian departments plan for a new infrastructure it should be usable by the PLA.
Interestingly, the national defense considerations will include in any technical standards and codes for transport facilities and equipments.
Xinhua adds: “No organization or individual is allowed to undermine the proper use and safety of national defense transport projects and facilities.”
China should be setting up “a strategic projection support force to facilitate efficient organization of long-distance and large-scale national defense transport”.
Though the draft law says that “the expenses for defense transportation missions should be born by their users and the criteria should not be lower than the market price,” it is not clear who will pay the bill as both the PLA and the civilian administration are the ‘users’.
A Joint Command Organization for national defense transport will be set up in wartime or under special circumstances of peacetime, such as armed conflicts that endanger national sovereignty, says the draft.
The Joint Command will have large powers such as coordination of national or regional resources, organization transport operations, repairs and protection of transport infrastructure and facilities, etc.
Those who embezzle defense transport funds or whose dereliction of duty results in severe losses should beware, they shall be punished "in accordance with laws."

Western Theater Command
With the creation of the Western Theater Command, regrouping all the units on the Tibetan Plateau (earlier the plateau depended on two Military Regions, namely Chengdu and Lanzhou), the coordination and management of the infrastructure on the ‘Indian’ front should be much easier and more efficient for the PLA.
And course, the infrastructure built for the Disneyland of Snows can be used in an official and regulated manner by the PLA, People's Armed Police Force (PAPF) and other border forces units.
India should wake up.

The Lonely Man of China

My article The Lonely Man of China has been posted on Rediff.com

Here is the link...

What was the need for Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, President of the People's Republic of China and Chairman, Central Military Commission, to don the new role of Commander in-Chief?
Does this mean that the most powerful Chinese leader since Mao faces numerous threats from within the Communist Party?
Claude Arpi decodes the signals coming from Beijing.

Xi Jinping appears to be more and more the lonely man of China.
His latest move to nominate himself as Commander-in-Chief of the People's Liberation Army's Joint Battle Command, while appearing on State media in a camouflage uniform, displays growing insecurity at the top.
According to CCTV, Xi stated that the new command should be 'absolutely loyal (to him!), resourceful in fighting, efficient in commanding, and courageous and capable of winning wars.'
Xu Guangyu, a retired PLA major general, told The South China Morning Post: 'Xi's camouflage military suit showed that he is top commander of the PLA's supreme joint battle command body, and is capable of commanding land, navy and air forces, as well as other special troops like the Rocket Force and Strategic Support Force.'
Why does Xi need put on another hat when he is already Chairman of the all-powerful Central Military Commission?
Simply because he may not be fully in control of the CMC.
It is true that the PLA 'reforms' are extremely ambitious and changing an ingrained corrupt system is not easy, in China or elsewhere.
To add to the Chinese president's woes, the Panama Papers named his brother-in-law, who is said to have established some offshore firms. Though these companies went dormant before Xi came into power, the damage was done: For the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists who investigated the Panama-based law firm Mossack Fonseca, Xi's name is indirectly linked.
Already in June 2012, The New York Times and Bloomberg had exposed Xi's family: 'As Xi climbed the Communist Party ranks, his extended family expanded their business interests to include minerals, real estate and mobile-phone equipment,' Bloomberg noted.
Probably more worrisome for Xi, the Middle Kingdom is sailing through rough weather and in the months to come, we may witness fireworks in the Chinese Communist Party.
The Nikkei in Japan reported a verbal 'jab' between Xi and Yu Zhengsheng, the chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference during the recently concluded Two Sessions at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.
During the 19th Congress to be held in November 2017, five of the seven members of the Politburo Standing Committee -- the highest body in the Chinese Communist Party -- are expected to retire.
The Nikkei quoted an old China hand: 'Signs of discord within the Politburo Standing Committee have now emerged. The rift may come to the surface over the committee seats.'
Does it mean that everything is not harmonious in the Land of Confucius?
On March 14 during the concluding session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Yu Zhengsheng, who is also a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, had apparently fired the first shots at Xi.
During his concluding remarks, Yu dared to deviate from the official line: The Communist leadership had agreed to uphold 'Four Consciousnesses' related to 'politics, the bigger picture, the core and consistency.'
Yu spoke of only three: The need to further enhance the consciousness of politics, the consciousness of the bigger picture and the consciousness of responsibility.
What about the 'consciousness of the core and the consciousness of consistency' (in following 'the core leader')?
Observers believe that Yu showed his disagreement with Xi when he brought up a 'new consciousness,' that of 'responsibility' and omitted 'the core.'
In his opening speech on March 3, Yu spoke of the differences of views and perceptions which can arise over specific issues and stressed the need to seek 'consistency', while respecting 'diversity.' What 'diversity'? Yu left it undefined.
Yu also looks after the United Front Department, whose role is to 'unite' the Party. He is also in charge of Tibet and Xinjiang, China's most restive provinces.
This comes after an open letter attacking Xi and asking for his resignation was published on a website Wujie News. The letter was entitled: 'A Request for Comrade Xi Jinping to Resign from Leadership Positions in the Party and the State.'
It blamed Xi for many negative events in China and asked him to step down. It was, of course, quickly removed from the Wujie website.
Wujie claimed that the article had been posted by a hacker.
Wujie is a joint venture of the SEEC Media Group Limited (the parent company of Caixing magazine), the Xinjiang government and Jack Ma's Alibaba Group.
Was it the act of a hacker?
With Alibaba hosting the site, it is considered the safest hosting service in China. So what happened?
Could Wujie have published the letter on its own? Difficult to say, but the website was subsequently shut down for several days.
Obviously, Xi does not have only friends and comrades in the Communist Party.
According to The Digital Times, on March 29, while Xi was attending the Nuclear Summit in Washington, DC, a second letter calling for Xi's impeachment started circulating on the internet; the letter was titled 'An Open Letter to the Entire Party, the Army, and the People, Calling for the Immediate Impeachment of Xi Jinping and His Removal from All Posts Inside and Outside of the Party.'
For the Mingjing, a weekly magazine, some 171 Communist Party members had signed the letter which was later removed from Mingjing' website, though it continued to be on some Chinese blogs. The petition alleged that Xi had committed five categories of crimes and demanded his immediate dismissal.
Party members were asked to vote for a new leader at the 19th Congress in November 2017.
Should all this be taken seriously?
The speed with which the letters were removed seems to indicate that Beijing takes it seriously.
The reputed China watcher, Orville Schell commented on the present state of affairs in the Middle Kingdom: 'As different leaders have come and gone, China specialists overseas have become accustomed to reading CPC tea leaves as oscillating cycles of political "relaxation" and "tightening:... But what has been happening lately in Beijing under the leadership of Xi Jinping is no such simple fluctuation. It is a fundamental shift in ideological and organisational direction that is beginning to influence both China's reform agenda and its foreign relations.'
Schell's reading is that: 'At the centre of this retrograde trend is Xi's enormously ambitious initiative to purge the Chinese Communist Party of what he calls "tigers and flies," namely corrupt officials and businessmen both high and low.'
Very few observers are, however, ready to criticise him; most of them want to protect their own interests or their opportunity to work in China.
Last year, another renowned American 'China hand' David Shambaugh published an article 'The Coming Chinese Crackup' in The Wall Street Journal, in which the scholar mentioned his worries for Xi's regime.
On March 1, he backtracked in The Global Times.
'In the past year,' Shambaugh now explains, 'because of that article, many Chinese friends no longer treated me as an "old friend." Many Chinese media criticised me. No one invited me to visit China. All of these things upset me.'
Beijing knows how to twist its friends' arms.
Today, Shambaugh conveniently blames the editor of The Wall Street Journal: '(the title) was not from me.... They wanted to attract more readers' eyeballs and create more profit for the newspaper.'
Now, the US scholar is defending Xi: 'I have stated clearly that anti-corruption is good. I am all for it. It is the right thing to do and the public has received it very well. I give a thumbs up to Xi Jinping and Wang Qishan's anti-corruption fight.'
'Corruption is the cancer that erodes the Party, the government, the economy, and society. It must be taken care of otherwise it will lead to the downfall of the CPC.'
Many 'watchers' will follow Shambaugh's footsteps, but the point remains that China is nervous and shaky.
Just take the historical interpretation of the Cultural Revolution; a Global Times editorial, ahead of the 50th anniversary of the political upheaval, warned: 'Reflections are normal ... but they should not add or change the official political verdict.' The Editor insisted that 'the profoundness of the official verdict on history could not be paralleled by sporadic ideas by individuals.'
A few weeks ago, former culture minister Wang Meng argued that the party and Chinese intellectuals had a responsibility to 'further explain' the campaign.
Now The Global Times says: 'If China brings up a wave of reflections and discussions (on the Cultural Revolution) as wished by some, the established political consensus will be jeopardised and turbulence in ideas may occur.' It warned those using the Cultural Revolution by linking it to current issues and those who predict that the Cultural Revolution can return.
Another worrying sign is that China is installing a nationwide system of social control known as 'grid management.' The Financial Times noted that it is 'a revival of State presence in residential life that had receded as society liberalised during recent decades.'
'From smog-blanketed towns on the North China Plain to the politically sensitive Tibetan capital of Lhasa, small police booths and networks of citizens have been set up block by block to reduce neighbourhood disputes, enforce sanitation, reduce crime -- and keep an eye on anyone deemed a troublemaker,' the newspaper explained.
If you don't agree, you may be labeled a 'troublemaker.' Be ready to pay the consequences.
Xi Jinping seems very lonely on the rarefied summit of Zhongnanhai, the secretive seat of the Communist Party of China.
How long he can survive alone is a serious question.

'We must go from words to deeds': The world must unite and sign global climate deal says UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon

My article 'We must go from words to deeds': The world must unite and sign global climate deal says UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon has been published in Mail Today.

Here is the link...

UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon will request world leaders to sign Paris Agreement on climate change.

April 22 is World Earth Day. On the occasion, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon will request world leaders sign the Paris Agreement on climate change at the UN Headquarters in New York.
After the historic agreement adopted by 195 countries at COP21 Conference in Paris in December, the next step is the signature of the first-ever universal, legally binding global climate deal.
During a recent press briefing, Ban noted: “It will enable us to increase ambition on a regular basis, which is essential if we are to keep global temperature rise to well below two degree celsius.”
The UN boss emphasised: “It has just begun. In 2016, we must go from words to deeds.”
The Signature Ceremony will be the opportunity for each government to start implementing the Paris Agreement and hopefully save the Planet.
But don’t clap too early. At the behest of the United States, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) may derail India’s ambitious solar power programme.
Responding to a US complaint, a WTO dispute panel recently ruled that several provisions of India’s National Solar Mission were ‘inconsistent’ with international trade norms.

Climate
In 2011, the Congress government plans 100 gigawatts of solar capacity by 2022 under this scheme; it was a way to actively participate in the world effort to slowdown climate change; the scheme envisaged that a large percentage of the cells and panels would be manufactured in India by local companies.
Unfortunately, such provisions, known as ‘domestic content requirements’ (DCR), are prohibited by the WTO under international trade agreements.
A Delhi-based daily observed: “India’s solar manufacturing industry is likely to be in the pits and thousands of job opportunities lost, thanks to a recent WTO ruling..."The worrying bit is also that these module-manufacturing units are low-investment industries that have the potential to employ a very large number of semi-skilled labour.”
With 300 million Indians without access to electricity, the Solar Mission was a win-win project with a dual objective: combat poverty via job creation and add to India’s solar capacity.
But the US manufacturers do not see it from this angle. For them, the scheme led to a 90 per cent decrease in its solar exports to India since the inception of the mission.
Though resolutely opposed by several US environmental groups, the US manufacturers filed a WTO complaint.
In August 2015, a WTO panel released a preliminary ruling against the Indian DCR’s requirements, and early 2016, the ‘final’ ruling was announced.

Co-operation
The BBC asked the right question: “Whatever happened to all the talk of international co-operation to tackle climate change that we heard during the climate conference in Paris just a few months ago?”
Arriving at the end of its term, the Obama administration has probably forgotten ‘Shared Effort; Progress for All’, the US-India joint statement, signed during Barack Obama’s visit to India in January 2015: “President Obama and Prime Minister (Narendra) Modi share a deep concern regarding the climate challenge and understand that meeting it will require concerted action by their countries and the international community.”
At the end, business is business, and for the US corporate world, the change of climate can go with the wind, money is its first and last concern.

Self-esteem
Ben Beachy, Senior Policy Advisor, Responsible Trade Program, Sierra Club, said in an Huffington Post report: “Bringing this case is a perverse move for the United States. Nearly half of the US has renewable energy programmes that, like India’s solar programme, include ‘buy-local’ rules that create local, green jobs and bring new solar entrepreneurs to the economy.
"The US government should drop this case to avoid undermining jobs and climate protections not just in India, but also at home.”
It is doubtful if Obama is ready to take on corporate America during an election year.
In the meantime, the Government of India has announced that it will appeal against the WTO verdict.

Of a strong man and a beautiful woman

My article Of a strong man and a beautiful woman appeared in the Edit Page of The Pioneer.

Here is the link...

Manohar Parrikar's four-day visit to China will accelerate India-China security dialogue, but it’s unlikely the Defence Minister will discuss about the difficult situation faced by people living in border area of Demchok
As Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar arrived in Beijing on a four-day visit, The Global Times asserted: “India would like to continue to be the most beautiful woman wooed by all men, notably the two strongest in the house, US and China.” The mouthpiece of the Communist Party was particularly referring to the Logistics Support Agreement, signed when the US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter came to Delhi a few days earlier.
The usually hard-hitting newspaper explained: “This is not an unfamiliar role to India. We can still recall how its diplomatic manoeuvring had earned itself a special role between the two competing blocs during the Cold War.”
Well, it is doubtful if Beijing will fall in an Indian honey trap during the Defence Minister’s visit and agree to some of the Indian demands. Apart from the usual requests, such as China providing maps of their perception of the Line of Control, the difficult situation of the border populations in Ladakh should be taken up. Let me explain.
While the number of Chinese intrusions across the LAC is slightly less due to the mechanisms put in place between Delhi and Beijing, the Chinese refuse the ‘permission’ to the villagers in the Demchok area to undertake basic work on the Indian side of the border.
On April 13, just four days before Parrikar’s departure, The Daily Excelsior reported: “Frustrated with the Chinese Army’s frequent intervention raising objection on carrying out any kind of developmental activities near the borders areas, the inhabitants of Demchok village, residing on the Indo-China border, have demanded resettlement.”
On April 8, the Scientific Advisory Committee from Nyoma tried to pacify the inhabitants of the 39 households in Demchok who refused to end their dharna; later a delegation approached Prasanna Ramaswamy, the Deputy Commissioner in Leh, demanding to be shifted; the People’s Liberation Army had raised some objection over the villagers laying a pipe line from a hot spring for drinking water. The residents of Demchok listed several instances, when the PLA stopped them to undertake developmental work.
According to The Daily Excelsior: “The residents had put up a tent at bank of Demchok nallah with national flag on its top, insisting the administration to shift them somewhere as the Chinese objected to carry out any kind of developmental activities in their village since 2000.”
On their side of the nallah, which for centuries marked the border, the Chinese do not face any Indian objections. In the last couple of years, Beijing has invested millions of yuans to develop the area along the Indus river from Tashigong, the first Tibetan village, to a place they call ‘Dian-jiao’ (the Chinese pronunciation for Demchok). They have even roped in the Shaanxi Province which provides the necessary funds for development. New buildings (particularly guest houses) can clearly be seen from the Indian side.
Though Demchok has been the first Ladakhi village since immemorial times, during the negotiations for the Panchsheel Agreement in 1954, China refused to acknowledge this. Due to China’s reticence to recognise Demchok, the talks went on for four months (from December 1953 to April 1954), instead of the expected three or four weeks. The main Chinese objection was mentioning Demchok on the route to Western Tibet.
On April 23, 1954, a few days before the final signature of the Agreement, N Raghavan, the Indian Ambassador to China, wrote to RK Nehru, the Foreign Secretary, that Chang Han-fu, the Chinese negotiator ‘vigorously’ objected to the inclusion of Demchok in the Agreement: “(He) conceded that traders customarily using this route might continue such use but said an oral understanding to that effect between two delegations would suffice. We strongly contended inclusion of route in Agreement.”
Very cleverly, another Chinese diplomat ‘privately’ told TN Kaul, his Indian counterpart, that he was objecting because they were not keen to mention the name ‘Kashmir’ as they did not wish to take sides between India and Pakistan. Though Kaul could see through the game, India finally gave in. Kaul later wrote: “However, their real objection was, I believe, to strengthening their claim to Aksai Chin which they needed for linking Sinkiang (Xinjiang) with Western Tibet.”
Finally it was agreed that: “the customary route leading to Tashigong along the valley of the Indus river may continue to be traversed in accordance with custom was worked out and Delhi approved it.”
Demchok was not mentioned. The issue faced by the villagers is the outcome of this formulation. In 1954, instead of using the opportunity to clarify the already contentious border issue, the Chinese were allowed to walk away with a vague statement which opened the door for future contestations.
Already then, the ‘beautiful Indian woman’ was unable to woo the tough Chinese negotiators. It may not be different 62 years later. China has truly a problem with Demchok.
Last year, the Chief Executive Councilor of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council, Rigzin Spalbar wrote to the then Jammu & Kashmir Chief Minister  Mufti Mohammed Sayeed to request him to take up with Delhi the re-opening of the Kailash-Manasarovar route via Demchok.
A few months earlier, President Xi Jinping had ‘generously’ offered (as a ‘political gesture’) to open a new route, via Nathu la in Sikkim, for Indian pilgrims wanting to go on the yatra. The Indian Press clapped. It is true that for those who were unaware of the topography of the Himalayas, the Chinese offer to open Nathu-la seemed reasonable.
In his letter to Sayeed, Spalbar, after mentioning the historical background of Demchok, which till 1954, was used by most of the Indian pilgrims wanting to go on pilgrimage to the Kailash, also suggested re-opening the route; the Holy Lake and Sacred Mountain are located at a mere two-day drive from Leh and the route is relatively easy as it does not encounter any major pass. But here too the Chinese are not ready to be wooed.
Will Mr Parrikar’s visit be a success? Perhaps one or two Border Personnel Meeting points may be agreed upon, which is good; Demchok, however, will not be in the list. Perhaps the Joint Tactical Exercise held for the first time last year between the troops of both countries in the Chushul-Moldo area will be repeated on a larger scale. Great!
And in a few months time, a hotline may be established between the two military headquarters as part of an effort to improve border management. This however will not solve more serious issues such as Demchok. It may be left to the National Security Advisor and Special Reprehensive for the border Ajit Doval to raise the issues with his counterpart State Councillor Yang Jiechi. Will Yang be charmed by the NSA and agree to release the tension on Demchok? This will be a meaningful confidence-building measure, but is the ‘strong boy’ interested to please the ‘beautiful woman’?

A road to the border

My article A road to the border appeared in Asian Age/Deccan Chronicle.


Here is the link...

Can we dream that one day the Tsari pilgrimage will again be possible?
It should also be mentioned that Taksing was the last Indian village on the Tsari Pilgrimage. 
It should also be mentioned that Taksing was the last Indian village on the Tsari Pilgrimage.

In India, for any editor, there is a hierarchy in the news; I presume that the same is true the world over. This week the “royal visit” made it to the front page. It is normal; India is still sentimentally attached to “her” royals. Cricket is a must, the Panama Papers and, rightly, the tragedy in Kerala. However, a seemingly insignificant news, hardly reported in the national media, may have critical strategic implications for the country. One can easily understand why it has not made the titles. It occurred in a place where hardly any babu, politician or even journalist sets foot — in a remote, tiny “camp” of the Upper Subanisiri district of Arunachal Pradesh, near the frontier with China (Tibet).
On April 6, the engineers of the Border Roads Organisation (BRO) managed to open a new road connecting Tame Chung Chung and Nacho. The inhabitants living in the vicinity of Tame Chung Chung (locally known as The Land of Snakes), had dreamed of this road for decades, but like many other things for the border population, it had remained a dream until now. The BRO explains the feat: “The area is located in an extremely remote area with rugged terrains, thick vegetation and inhospitable weather. The place has remained inaccessible since 2009.” In fact, the road was to be opened in 2009, but …India is not China.
The same report says: “The persistent efforts of BRO engineers have finally changed the scenario.” The road comes under Project Arunank, run by the Indian Army in five districts of Arunachal Pradesh. The Nacho-Tame Chung Chung section of the road is strategically vital due to the Chinese presence nearby. The road does not reach the Line of Actual Control (LAC) as yet, but the completion of this portion marks a major step towards Taksing, the border village in Arunachal. In October 2014, The Deccan Chronicle (DC) had reported that the Chinese PLA was focusing on the Taksing area: “After the recent Ladakh incursions, frequent intrusions by China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in Arunachal Pradesh’s Taksing region have come to the notice of the security agencies… Security sources also confirmed this incursion had come to their notice about a month back, but the PLA had gone back after a brief stay.”
Around the same time, the Times of India (ToI) remarked: “Both armies undertake regular patrols to lay claim to 8-10 disputed areas like Asaphila, a remote 100 sq km.” PLA’s “heightened activity” had been witnessed in Asaphila area for months. “The PLA troops, with vehicles and other equipment, then tried to build a road till Point 2445. They were then stopped from doing so by our soldiers,” a source told the ToI. Some Tagin villagers had even managed to shoot a short video on their phones of the PLA “visiting” their village. The last Indian military outpost before the border is still some 40 km away from the newly-opened section, but the construction will hopefully be easier. Due to the exceptionally hard rock and treacherous terrain, this portion of the road took many more years than expected. Taksin.
Tame Chung Chung is situated near the confluence of Subansiri and Tsari Chu river valleys: “(it) acts as a gateway to both the valleys and its connectivity was essential for further development of the area,” says the BRO statement, which admits that a large number of personnel suffered severe injuries during the construction work and equipment worth crores of rupees was lost in landslides.
Should India not congratulate the 128 Road Construction Company of the 23 Border Roads Task Force (Project Arunank) for accomplishing this herculean task? Have the Central and Arunachal authorities finally decided to undertake the construction of roads in border areas on a “war-footing”?
Hopefully so, as the new road should help in curbing the intrusions.Interestingly, the local Tagin tribe is acting as intelligence recruits for the Indian Army and local intelligence officials. When I earlier said that babus have never set a foot in these areas, I meant “modern” babus. In 1957, Capt. L.R. Sailo, then assistant political officer in Taliha of Subansiri Frontier Division (NEFA), reached the administrative camp in Limeking and wrote in a superb account titled, “Report on an Exploratory Tour Undertaken in the Upper Subansiri Area and the Tsari Chu Valley”, “The location of Limeking vis-a-vis the international border has been determined; the exploration of the Subansiri westwards of Limeking upto the international border has been completed and the confluence of the Subansiri and the Yume Chu has also been ascertained (Taksing); the determination of the precise location of the confluence of the Subansiri and the Tsari Chu; the Tsari Chu valley has been explored upto the international border with Migyitun settlements (in Tibet); a sketch map of the area has been prepared with estimate of the locations of villages or settlements, the courses of rivers, mountains, and important routes.”
Quite a feat!
Capt. Sailo’s conclusions were clear: “The urgency and importance of constructing roads from Daporijo to the border settlements of Lower Na (Taksing) and Migytun (Maja) cannot be over-emphasised.” Very little was done during the next 55 years —a real tragedy for India and the border populations. It should also be mentioned that Taksing was the last Indian village on the Tsari Pilgrimage, one of the holiest of the Roof of the World, around the Dakpa Sheri (Cristal Mountain). Tibetan pilgrims used to perform the parikrama, the sacred Rongkor, every 12 years during the Monkey-Fire Year. 1956, a Monkey-Fire year, witnessed the last Tsari pilgrimage. 2016 is also a Monkey-Fire year.
The particularity of the pilgrimage was that, while the northern part was in Tibet, the southern leg crossed into India, through the jungles of Upper Subansari district. After entering into Indian territory (by crossing the McMahon Line), the pilgrims would proceed southwards along the Tsari Chu, take a turn westwards near the confluence of the Subansiri at Gelensiniak, (the headway of the newly-constructed road) and then follow the Subansiri upstream, to finally cross back into Tibet.
Can we dream that one day the Tsari pilgrimage will again be possible? Even the temporary reopening of the border for the parikrama would be a great confidence building measure between India and China. Even if one has to wait 12 more years, it is worth it. In the meantime, the new road will greatly help to strengthen India’s defence in the area.

 

Photos: Border Road Organisation

 

 

 

 

 

The day Indian and Chinese officials met in Lhasa

Dekyilingka, the Indian Mission in Lhasa

I am posting below a fascinating description of the first encounter between a General Zhang Jingwu, (September 3, 1906 – October 27, 1971) of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and an Indian diplomat in Lhasa. It occured soon after the PLA arrived in the Tibetan capital.
At that time General Zhang was the Representative in Tibet of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China; he later became First Secretary of the Tibet Work Committee, overseeing the administration of Tibet.
Sumul Sinha, an IFS officer, was the head of the Indian Mission in Tibet; a year earlier, he had replaced Hugh Richardson, who had served at this post between August 1947 and August 1950 (he had earlier served the British).
During their first meeting, the Chinese general followed the diplomatic etiquette and appeared even enjoying his visit to Dekyilingka, the Indian Mission.
He is accompanied by a controversial Tibetan Alo Chonzed, then a leader of the Tibetan People’s Association.
Interestingly, Zhang told Sinha that “his Government would be agreeable to the establishment of an Indian Consulate General at Lhasa.”
It would happen at the end of 1952 when the Indian Mission would be downgraded into a Consulate General; practically, it meant that Tibet had lost the right to have direct foreign relations with India: Tibet was no more an independent country.

Copy of a Memorandum dated September 23, 1951

from Sumul Sinha, Officer in Charge, Indian Mission in Lhasa (Tibet)

to Harishwar Dayal, the Political Officer in Sikkim, Gangtok.

In our telegram No. 60, dated 21st September, 1951, we briefly reported General Chang Ching-wu’s [Zhang Jingwu] visit to our Mission with his staff on Thursday the 20th September. He was due to arrive at our Mission at 10 (Tibetan time), but was late by 30 minutes or so, not having made, as he said, any allowance for the distance between Trimon house and the Indian Mission at Dekyilingka.

General Zhang Jingwu

General Chang and party came riding but dismounted a few yards from the gate and walked up to the entrance of the Mission building. Chang and Alo [Chonzed] were riding ponies, presented to them by the Dalai Lama, with resplendent saddle-carpets made of expensive silk and satin. The officials were light grey uniform with caps to match, while their military escort (2 young soldiers of the P.L.A.) was in the normal outfit of the liberation army (khaki woolen battle dress), carrying automatic rifles and Mauser pistols. Chan was received at the entrance by members of my staff and brought upstairs, where I greeted him. He expressed very great concern over my health, and enquired whether I would accept over my health, and enquired whether I would accept the services of his physician.
I thanked him cordially for the offer, and told him that as I was on the road to recovery o hoped it would not be necessary to trouble his doctor. Chang then formally presented me with 3 copies of a booklet regarding ‘Deliberations and Agreement between the Central People’s Government and the local Government of Tibet on methods for the peaceful liberation of Tibet’ [known as the 17-Point Agreement].
Two copies in ordinary coarse paper were, he said, for general use. The other bound in red silk with printed characters in golden types was specially inscribed to me in Chang’s own calligraphy. The paper need in this copy is of a superior quality and the printing is excellent.
I am sending you herewith one of the two ordinary copies we have received from Chang for ‘general use’.
Along with it, I am sending you a copy of the People’s Daily dated 28th May 1951, which Chang also left with us, and Chang’s calligraphy declaring eternal friendship between China and India.
While the Chinese officers were entertained to lunch and tea upstairs, separate arrangements were made below to feed their guards. We put on a cinema show for the entire party and the following films were shown:

1.    Glimpses of Mahatma Gandhi.
2.    No. 22 and 26.
3.    Shantiniketan
4.    Festival Time

General Zhang Jingwu distributing alms

They thoroughly enjoyed the show, and said that they hoped soon to invite us to a show of Chinese films.
During the 7 odd hours Chang Ching-wu remained with us, he was in an emotional mood, at lunch, he was several times on his feet, toasting our Prime Minister [Jawaharlal Nehru] and eternal friendship between China and India.
Twice he went into flights of oratory in Chinese, denouncing war and declaring that he had sacrificed 26 years of his life for the younger generation, referring in particular to our wireless operator and to my Stenographer.
Although Chang had no further desire to carry arms, he was prepared at all times to take up the challenge of Imperialist bounds, particularly the Americans. He told us that he could discard his reserve and be frank and free with us because he was not a diplomat but a rough and rude soldier. He extended an invitation to me to visit his home in Peking and stay with him as his guest.
Confidentially, he announced to me that his Government would be agreeable to the establishment of an Indian Consulate General at Lhasa.
Chang and Alo have promised to repeat their visits to our Mission, and have asked us to allow them to join us at tennis whenever we play.
Chang was also in a mood to flatter himself.
He said General Yuan Chong-hsien, [Yuan Zhongxian] Chinese Ambassador in New Delhi, was his comrade, while the Chinese Ambassador in Rangoon was his departmental assistant.
Chang left early at 5 P.M. because he had arranged a meeting with General Wang Ching-ming [Wang Qimei] at 2:30 PM at Trimon house.
Wang Ching-ming sent a messenger with a note to remind Chang of the appointment, but Chang was persuaded to remain with us a little longer. But for his secretaries who were constantly pressing him to return, he would have stayed on till late in the evening.

The Lonely Man of China

Xi Jinping seems more and more the lonely man of China.
It is perhaps what happens when one reaches the top alone.
To add to the Chinese President’s woes, the ‘Panama Papers’ named his brother-in-law, who is said to have established some offshore firms. Though these companies went dormant before Xi came into power, the damage was done: for the International Consortium of Investigative Journaliste (ICIJ) who investigated into the Panama-based law firm Mossack Fonseca, Xi’s name is indirectly linked.
Already in June 2012, The New Your Times and Bloomberg had exposed Xi’s family: “As Xi climbed the Communist Party ranks, his extended family expanded their business interests to include minerals, real estate and mobile-phone equipment,” wrote Bloomberg.
Probably more worrisome for Xi, the Middle Kingdom is sailing through rough weather and in the months to come, we may witness fireworks in the Party.
The Nikkei in Japan reported a verbal ‘jab’ between President Xi Jinping and Yu Zhengsheng, the Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) during the recently-concluded Two Sessions at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.
During the 19th Congress to be held in November next year, five of the seven members of the Politburo Standing Committee, are expected to retire.
The Nikkei quoted an old China hand: “Signs of discord within the Politburo Standing Committee have now emerged. The rift may come to the surface over the committee seats.”
Does it mean that everything is not harmonious in the Land of Confucius?
On March 14 during the concluding session of the CPPCC, Yu Zhengsheng, also a member of the Politburo’s Standing Committee, had apparently fired the first shots at Xi.
During his concluding remarks, Yu dared to deviate from the official line: the Communist leadership had agreed to uphold ‘Four Consciousnesses’ related to “politics, the bigger picture, the core and consistency”.
Yu spoke of only three: i.e. the need to further enhance the consciousness of politics, the consciousness of the bigger picture and the consciousness of responsibility.
What about the ‘consciousness of the ‘core’ and the consciousness of ‘consistency’ (in following ‘the core leader’)?
Observers believe that Yu showed his disagreement with Xi when he brought up a ‘new consciousness’, that of ‘responsibility’ and omitted ‘the core’.
In his opening speech on March 3, Yu spoke of the differences of views and perceptions which can arise over specific issues and he had stressed the need to seek ‘consistency’, while respecting ‘diversity’. What ‘diversity’ mean? He left it undefined.
Incidentally, Yu also looks after the United Front Department, whose role is to ‘unite’ the Party; he is also in charge of Tibet and Xinjiang affairs.
This comes after an open letter attacking Xi Jinping and asking for his resignation was published in a website Wujie News. The letter was entitled: ‘A Request for Comrade Xi Jinping to Resign from Leadership Positions in the Party and the State.’
It blamed Xi Jinping for many negative events in China and asked him to step down. It was of course quickly removed from the Wujie website.
Wujie claimed that the article had been posted by a hacker.
Wujie is a joint venture of the SEEC Media Group Limited (the parent company of Caixing magazine), the Xinjiang Government and Jack Ma’s Alibaba Group.
Was it an act of a hacker?
With Alibaba hosting the site, it is considered the safest hosting service in China. So what happened?
Could Wujie have published the letter on its own? Difficult to say, but the website was subsequently shut down for several days.
Obviously, Xi Jinping does not have only friends and comrades in the Party.
According to The Digital Times, on March 29, while Xi was attending the Nuclear Summit in Washington D.C., a second letter calling for Xi’s impeachment started circulating on the Net; the letter was titled “An Open Letter to the Entire Party, the Army, and the People, Calling for the Immediate Impeachment of Xi Jinping and His Removal from All Posts Inside and Outside of the Party.”
For the Mingjing, a weekly magazine, some 171 CPC members had signed the letter which was later removed from the Mingjing’s website, though it continued to be on some Chinese blogs. The petition alleged that Xi had committed five categories of crimes and demanded his immediate dismissal. Party members were asked to vote for a new Party leader at the 19th CCP Congress in November 2017.
Should all this be taken seriously?
The speed with which the letters were removed seems to indicate that Beijing takes it seriously.
The reputed China watcher, Orville Schell commented on the present state of affairs in the Middle Kingdom: “As different leaders have come and gone, China specialists overseas have become accustomed to reading CPC tea leaves as oscillating cycles of political ‘relaxation’ and ‘tightening’. …But what has been happening lately in Beijing under the leadership of Xi Jinping is no such simple fluctuation. It is a fundamental shift in ideological and organizational direction that is beginning to influence both China’s reform agenda and its foreign relations.”
Schell’s reading is that: “At the center of this retrograde trend is Xi’s enormously ambitious initiative to purge the Chinese Communist Party of what he calls ‘tigers and flies’ namely corrupt officials and businessmen both high and low.”
One could add: his over-ambitious plan to reform the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has made many unhappy. Whatever it may be, Xi has created (or still creates) a lot of resentment in the ranks and files of the Party (and the PLA); with the concentration all the powers with him, he has become the focus of all the attacks, creating a great instability.
Very few observers are however ready to criticize him; most of them want to protect their own interests or their opportunity to work in China.
Last year, another renowned American ‘China hand’, David Shambaugh had published an article The Coming Chinese Crackup in The Wall Street Journal, in which the scholar mentioned his worries for Xi Jinping’s regime.
On March 1, he backtracked in The Global Times.
Shambaugh now explains: "In the past year, because of that article, many Chinese friends no longer treated me as an 'old friend.' Many Chinese media criticized me. No one invited me to visit China. All of these things upset me.”
Beijing knows how to twist its friends’ arms.
Today, Shambaugh conveniently blames the editor of The Wall Street Journal: “[the title] was not from me. …They wanted to attract more readers' eyeballs and create more profit for the newspaper.”
Now, the US scholar is defending Xi again: “I have stated clearly that anti-corruption is good. I am all for it. It is the right thing to do and the public has received it very well. I give a thumbs up to Xi Jinping and Wang Qishan's anti-corruption fight. Corruption is the cancer that erodes the Party, the government, the economy, and society. It must be taken care of; otherwise it will lead to the downfall of the CPC."
Many ‘watchers’ will follow Shambaugh’s footsteps, but the point remains that China is nervous and shaky.
Just take the historical interpretation of the Cultural Revolution; a Global Times editorial, ahead of the 50th anniversary of the political upheaval, warned: “Reflections are normal ... but they should not add or change the official political verdict.” The Editor insisted that “the profoundness of the official verdict on history could not be paralleled by sporadic ideas by individuals.”
A few weeks ago, a former culture minister Wang Meng, 81 had argued that the party and Chinese intellectuals had a responsibility to ‘further explain’ the campaign.
Now The Global Times says: “If China brings up a wave of reflections and discussions on the Cultural Revolution] as wished by some, the established political consensus will be jeopardised and turbulence in ideas may occur. “ It seriously warned those using the Cultural Revolution by linking it to current issues and those who predict that the Cultural Revolution can return.
Another worrying sign is that China is installing a nationwide system of social control known as ‘grid management’. The Financial Times noted that it is: “a revival of State presence in residential life that had receded as society liberalised during recent decades.”
The newspaper explains: “From smog-blanketed towns on the North China Plain to the politically sensitive Tibetan capital of Lhasa, small police booths and networks of citizens have been set up block by block to reduce neighbourhood disputes, enforce sanitation, reduce crime — and keep an eye on anyone deemed a troublemaker.”
If you don’t agree with Mr Xi, you may be labeled a ‘troublemaker’. Be ready to pay the consequences.

A Road to the Border in Arunachal

It is regrettable that the national media hardly reported an event has the most crucial strategic implications for India.
On April 6, the Border Roads Organisation (BRO) opened a new road to one of India's most remote villages, near the frontier with China (Tibet).
The Army’s engineers have managed to connect Tame Chung Chung, a remote tiny village in Upper Subanisiri district of Arunachal Pradesh to the rest of the country.
A few weeks ago, on this blog, I mentioned the Tsari pilgrimage.
The new road follows the old pilgrimage route.
The inhabitants of Tame Chung Chung village, locally known as the ‘Land of Snakes’, had dreamed of this road for decades, but like for many other ‘normal’ things, for the border populations it remained a Dream.
The BRO explains: “The area is located in an extremely remote area with rugged terrains, thick vegetation and inhospitable weather. The place has remained inaccessible since 2009.”
In fact, the road was to be opened in 2009, but ….India is not China.
The same report says: “The persistent efforts of BRO engineers have finally changed the scenario.”
The road comes under Project Arunank, run by the Army in five districts of Arunachal Pradesh: Upper Subansiri, Lower Subansiri, Kurung Kumey, Kra Daadi and Papum Pare.
The most difficult route (because of the rough terrain and hard rocks) and strategically important (because the Chinese presence nearby) was the Nacho-Tame Chung Chung section in Upper Subansiri district.
The BRO statement mentions that the village is located at the confluence of Taksing and Maja valleys: “[it] acts as a gateway to both the valleys and its connectivity was essential for further development of the area.”
The BRO admitted that a large number of personnel suffered severe injuries during the construction work and equipment worth crores of rupees was lost in landslides.

Congratulations to the 128 Road Construction Company of the 23 Border Roads Task Force (Project Arunank) for accomplishing this herculean task, …even if a bit late.

Incidentally, two years ago, I mentioned the Chinese incursions which had occurred in the remote circle of Taksing in Upper Subansiri district.
The Deccan Chronicle then reported: "After the recent Ladakh incursions, frequent intrusions by China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in Arunachal Pradesh’s Taksing region have come to the notice of the security agencies. The villagers of Taksing circle in Upper Subansiri district took photographs of the PLA crossing over the Asa-Pila-Maya Army camps, which were Indian territory till 1962, but now under Chinese occupation."
The new road will hopefully help curbing the intrusions.

A 1957 report of the area
It is worth quoting a “Report on an Exploratory Tour Undertaken in the Upper Subansiri Area and the Tsari Chu Valley”.
The author is Capt L.R. Sailo of the Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS).
Capt Sailo was Assistant Political Officer in Taliha of Subansiri Frontier Division (NEFA) when he undertook this tour (from January 21 to March 29 1957).
That is long ago, and all these years, the local Tagin population have been dreaming of a road, … and China was dreaming that the road will never come to be. 

Here are some excerpts from Capt Sailo, the intrepid IFAS officer’s tour.
(Note that two years later, the first clash occurred in Longju near Migyitun).

ACHIEVEMENT OF THE TASKS (OF THE 1957 TOUR)
The exploratory tour has successfully achieved its given tasks as noted below:-

1. The location of LIMEKING vis a vis the international border has been determined.
2. The exploration of the SUBANSIRI westwards of LIMEKING upto the international border beyond Lower NA settlements has been completed and the confluence of the SUBANSIRI and the YUME CHU has also been ascertained to locate at Mo 4691 and not at MO 6593 as shown on the existing quarter inch map.
3. Having determined the precise location of the confluence of the SUBANSIRI and the TSARI CHU which locates at MO 6892 and not at MP 1097, the TSARI CHU valley has been explored upto the international border with MIGYITUN settlements.
4. A sketch map of the area has been prepared with estimate of the locations of villages or settlements, the courses of rivers, mountains, and important routes. Names of various villages with population figures have also been established as far as possible.
5. The exploratory tour has been carried out with the policy friendly border relations with the people across the border and friendly relationship has been developed with the people of Lower NA and MIGYITUN settlements.
6. Reliable and confirmed informations regarding the Chinese activities across the border have been obtained during the course of the exploratory tour.
7. The exploration of the upper SUBANSIRI and the TSARI CHU Valleys up to the international borders has enabled proper assessment of the administrative setup required for the Tagin area and checkpost for the integrity of our international border on the SUBANSIRI sector.
8. After completing the exploration of the upper SUBANSIRI region, the village lying in the area between the KODUK and the SEBAR rivers on the left bank of the SUBANSIRI which have so far been unexpected have been visited on the return journey to TALIHA. 

[Description of the inexistent road network in 1957]

Road communication and other Engineering problems:

The urgency and importance of constructing roads from DAPORIJO to the border settlements of Lower NA and MIGYTUN cannot be over-emphasised. In view of the more favorable nature of the country, it will be easier and more economical to open our main line of communication along the right bank of the SUBANSIRI starting from DAPORIJO right up to Lower NA settlements which is roughly 150 miles and another road on the left bank connecting TALIHA to NACHO about 48 miles.

To start with, we may aim at mule track between DAPORIJO and TALIHA and the rest porter tracks. Between DAPORIJO and LIMEKING, it will be possible to construct roads and bridges by using local man power but tools, implements and other necessary stores will have to be arranged.
For want of human habitation beyond LIMEKING on the routes to Lower NA and MIGYITUN settlements, labours will be a problem and the lower Tagins, at present will be most unwilling to operate in the higher region due to its cold climate and the difficult nature of the country. The solution may lie in posting one platoon of Assam Rifles pioneers at LIMEKING to work up to GELENSHINIAK and two sections of Agency Service Corps each at TAKSING and LONGJU to work downward to GELENSHINIAK as supply dropping can be easily done at TAKSING and LONGJU. If emergency dropping can be done at a place known as GADUBO, about 5 miles from GELENSHINIAK on the way to Lower Na, it will be very convenient and save lot of troubles in portering rations and other equipments. GADUBO locates approximately at MO 6589 and it seems to be suitable for temporary camping ground.
About 4 miles from GADUBO, there is a place known as RICHIDEN which has a route on the left bank of the SUBANSIRI connecting LANGIN on the TSARI CHU Valley, approximately 4½ miles from GELENSHINIAK. The route is followed during the DOLO pilgrimage and it might be better to align MIGYITUN trace from RICHIDEN and avoid the difficult portions between GELENSHINIAK and LANGIN.
At present we have no proper staging huts even between DAPORIJO and LIMEKING and great inconvenience is being experienced for movements in the SUBANSIRI Valley. It is essential that staging huts are provided at least on the route between DAPORIJO and LIMEKING. Along with the construction of staging camps, the question of providing camp Chowkidars should also be taken up. The following are suggested places for construction of staging huts.

SIPI    -         10 miles
RADING    -    8 miles
TALIHA    -     12 miles
DOYOM    -    10 miles
ATE    -         11 miles
AENGMORI-   10 miles
NACHO    -    11 miles
DOGINALO-   7½ miles
NABA    -      10 miles
LIMEKING-    10 ½ miles

LIMEKING, being only about 70 miles which can be conveniently covered in 7 marches, should now be reduced to 7 stages and the existing porterage payment of Rs. 26/- (for 13 stages) be cut down accordingly to Rs. 14/- at the rate of Rs. 2/- per load per stage.
The question of constructing staging huts on the left bank route may also be examined when we establish administrative centre on the left bank.
Apart from several rivers to be bridged along the routes, construction of reliable suspension bridges over the SUBANSIRI will be required for easy contact with the left bank at the points near DAPORIJO, TALIHA, AENGMORI, NACHO, GELENSHINIAK and LOWER NA.

China playing with fire on terrorism issues

My article China playing with fire on terrorism issues appeared in the Edit Page of The Pioneer.

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Ambiguity on what constitutes ‘terrorism’ can have serious implications for the future of the Middle Kingdom, not only for its restive Provinces, but also for Xi's ‘dream' project of a China-Pakistan Economic Corridor

China is gambling. In this dangerous pursuit, Beijing can lose its stakes and more. It believes that Masood Azhar, the Jaish-e-Mohammed chief and Pathankot terror attack mastermind, does not qualify to be listed as a ‘terrorist’ by the UN; his case “does not meet the Security Council’s requirements”, says Beijing. At the same time, when convenient for the communist leadership, the peace-loving Dalai Lama is branded as a ‘terrorist’.
When asked the reason for China’s decision in the UN Sanctions Committee to place Azhar’s name on ‘technical hold’, Liu Jieyi, China’s Permanent Representative to the UN explained: “Any listing would have to meet the requirements for blacklisting. It is the responsibility of all members of the council to make sure that these requirements are followed.”
Beijing probably believes that it is its responsibility to block Azhar’s name, and this, at a time when China, one of the five permanent members of the 15-nation Council, assumed the rotating presidency of the UN Security Council (for April).
Hong Lei, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ spokesman supported his colleague in New York: Such issues should be based on facts and rules in an “objective and just manner.”
Though the UN banned the JeM in 2001, Azhar who masterminded the 2008 Mumbai terror attack has always been ‘protected’ by China’s veto power. In the long run however, it is doubtful if the gamble of defending terrorism will pay for Chinese President Xi Jinping.
Moreover, ambiguity on what constitutes ‘terrorism’ could only bring serious troubles to China, which has not hesitated to put the Dalai Lama on the ‘terrorist’ list in the past.
In December 2015, Zhu Weiqun, the Chairman of the Chinese Ethnic and Religious Affairs Committee told The Global Times that the Dalai Lama “exposed in his very bones, his sympathy or endorsement for Islamic State.” In an interview, the Tibetan leader had merely said that one should listen to the youth joining the IS to understand their motivations.
Zhu went on to say that the Dalai Lama has “never given up violence in his political way of life”. According to Zhu, he has been inciting Buddhist Tibetans to self-immolate. Ironically the Tibetan monk had told La Stampa, that Islam was a ‘religion of peace’. Today, for China, the Dalai Lama is a terrorist and Masood Azhar is not. In what kind of world are we living?
In March, after the Dalai Lama met some other Nobel Peace prize laureates in Geneva, Zhu affirmed that after receiving the prize, the Dalai Lama has been ‘increasingly rampant’ [sic] and has pursued “Tibetan Independence and violent terrorism, leading to the deadly riot in Lhasa on March 14, 2008.”
Reuters commented: “The attempt to identify the Dalai Lama as an Islamic State sympathiser also follows weeks of taunting on the part of IS, beginning in earnest with a full-page spread in the jihadi organisation’s magazine, Dabiq, announcing the beheading of Chinese hostage Fan Jinghui.” The IS had then released its first Mandarin-language jihadi ‘song’, urging Chinese nationals to join them in Syria and Iraq.
To club the Dalai Lama with jihad may not help Beijing to combat true terrorism. But, if Beijing is blind enough to equate the Dalai Lama and Masood Azhar, this could have serious implications for the future of the Middle Kingdom, not only for its restive provinces of Tibet and Xinjiang, but also for Xi’s mega ‘dream’ project of a China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.
In April 2015, as President Xi arrived in Pakistan, The Washington Post remarked: “Xi arrived in Islamabad bearing real gifts: An eye-popping $46 billion worth of planned energy and infrastructure investment to boost Pakistan’s flagging economy.” A Chinese dream for Islamabad?
Billboards in Chinese and English were euphoric in Islamabad, the friendship between China and Pakistan was ‘higher than mountains, deeper than oceans, sweeter than honey, and stronger than steel.’
The CPEC will eventually link up Xi’s two pet projects, the New Silk Roads (one road one belt); the Chinese-sponsored port of Gwadar on the Arabian Sea will be connected through the Karakoram Highway, to the Xinjiang Province in China’s Far West and Central Asia… and later Middle East, Africa and Europe. The ‘corridor’ will have railways, roads, optical fiber cables, dams (to produce the necessary electricity), pipelines, etc.
Observers are aware that Beijing’s kindness and generosity will ultimately and primarily benefit Beijing. Pakistan, China’s ‘eternal friend’, is the perfect ‘partner’ (or vassal?); it is geographically ideally positioned with an access to the sea in the south and to Central Asia in the north.
By buying Pakistan’s allegiance, Beijing believes that after linking the belt and the road, it will be able to control and dominate Asia.
Before he arrived in Islamabad, Xi wrote that the bilateral relationship ‘has flourished like a tree growing tall and strong’. It is very touching, but China should realise that it may not get only ‘good things’ from the project. For the terrorist groups, the doors to Xinjiang, already prone to Islamic fundamentalism (fired by Han chauvinism), will be wide open.
It is not only goods which will circulate faster on the dream corridor, Azhar and his friends are bound to open new recruitment centres in the ‘fertile’ land of Xinjiang. In February, an excellent article on Gwadar in The Guardian mentioned: “Ensuring security on long stretches of road in a Province wracked by a persistent, low-level insurgency is the biggest challenge to the CPEC. Fear of being outnumbered by outsiders from the rest of Pakistan is fuelling a violent rebellion in Balochistan.”
The populations around some of the CPEC’s nodes are already resentful of the Chinese; this could rapidly fuel more terrorism. For Pakistan, the value of the planned projects, if implemented, would be equivalent to 17 per cent of Pakistan’s 2015 gross domestic product. But has Islamabad (or Beijing) taken into account the gross domestic terrorism? By refusing to list Massood Azhar, Beijing has already lost a battle.
And it is really foolish for China to think that it can ‘purchase’ some of the terror leaders, like the CIA did with the Taliban decades ago. Everyone knows what happened to the US schemes.
During his recent visit abroad, Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighted the dangers posed by terrorism to the world; if the UN is unable to address such crucial challenges, “the global body could be rendered irrelevant,” said Modi who rightly added: “The world was jolted by 9/11. Till then the world powers did not understand what India was going through.”
He further said that it was unfortunate that the UN was still unable to define terrorism. If it wants to play a significant role on the world scene, it is time for China to learn the definition of ‘terrorism’.
Perhaps, during his forthcoming visit to Beijing, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar could explain this to the Chinese leadership.

Tibet is learning the tricks of democracy

Penpa Tsering, Lobsang Sangay, The Dalai Lama

My article Tibet is learning the tricks of democracy appeared in The Daily Mail.

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The ballots have spoken. Lobsang Sangay, the incumbent Tibetan prime minister, has been re-elected as ‘Sikyong’ (Political Leader) to lead the Tibetan refugees during the next five years.
In the old days, the State Oracle would speak to the ‘Spiritual Leader’, that is, the Dalai Lama, and give him directions on how to conduct state affairs.
Now times have changed, and though some might miss the past democracy is more fitting for a modern state - so the Dalai Lama decided in March 2011.
Incumbent Tibetan PM Lobsang Sangay, pictured with the Dalai Lama, has a lot riding on him

Democracy
The uncontested leader of Tibet thought that the time had come for Tibet to become an ordinary democracy led by a leader chosen by the people, instead of a divine incarnation ruling by virtue of his birthright. It was a great move from the Dalai Lama - and it annoyed Beijing immensely.
The current Chinese leadership does not believe in democracy. Though the Communist Party rules on behalf of the ‘people’, the masses’ participation is absolutely unwarranted.
The official results will only be declared by the exiled Tibetan Election Commission on April 27, but private websites give Lobsang Sangay 33,234 votes, while his opponent Penpa Tsering gets only 24,752 in his favour — out of some 90,000 registered voters.
The beauty of democracy is often the anti-incumbency factor against politicians in power. But things are different in Tibet, where there is immense respect for the established hierarchy. In fact, many believe that the Dalai Lama had to ‘force democracy’ down reluctant throats.
During the recent campaign, Tibetans realised the not-so-nice aspects of the process. This probably explains the reaction of Professor Samdhong Rinpoche, the first directly elected prime minister. He told a Delhi newspaper that he boycotted the election process because the campaign had moved away from the ideals.
“The exiled government was based on the principles of Swaraj of Mahatma Gandhi. It didn’t involve competition or opposition,” he observed.
Well, democracy is democracy, with its good and bad intact. The Dalai Lama laughed when he asked the two candidates during an audience: ‘How is the boxing match’?
At the end of the campaign, out of the blue, Dicki Chhoyang, the Canada-based minister of information and international relations, resigned and declared her intention to vote for Tsering.
In her statement, she enumerated ‘some personal character traits’ which she considered important for the Sikyong. Her list was interesting: Motivation and dedication to the collective interest, the ability to think holistically and with long-term vision, to be honest, a team player, to value substance over appearance, etc.

Qualities
Was the incumbent prime minister lacking these qualities? Now that the people have spoken, one can only hope that the entire community will unite around the new Sikyong.
True, everything is not perfect in the exiled Tibetan society, but where does a perfect society exist? A few days after the final vote, the Dalai Lama spoke of the deplorable health conditions in some Tibetan settlements in India, and asked the new administration to provide better care and services to them.
“Feel-good appearances will not help. That will be empty glory,” he added.

Future
Another area the Sikyong will have to take a serious look at is the happenings in Tibet.
Dissensions have recently appeared in the Chinese leadership. The South China Morning Post reported that Zhu Weiqun, the interlocutor of the Dalai Lama’s Special Envoys and a hardliner on Tibet affairs, has been accused of taking huge bribes “to grant approvals for people to become Living Buddhas”.
The Hong Kong daily quotes an overseas Chinese website, Bowen Press, which believes that Zhu is under investigation for allegedly granting the status of ‘Living Buddha’ (reincarnated lamas) in exchange for cash.
If proved true, this is a big development. Zhu, after all, had advocated that the Communist Party was the sole authority to decide the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama and pledged to strictly follow policies.
In many fields, the Chinese leadership is steps ahead of Dharamsala. Take the flooding of the plateau with mainland tourists, which has irreversibly changed the ‘Roof of the World’. More than 50 million annual visitors have been the pretext for expanding border infrastructure - hurriedly constructed railways, roads and airports… all leading to India.
The new leader will have to be able to take up these issues with New Delhi and Beijing. The fact that the Dalai Lama has ‘imposed’ a democratic system is important for India. It corresponds to India’s value system. It should definitively be encouraged by Delhi, and with the Dalai Lama getting older, it is crucial to have a solid interlocutor, someone who can speak on behalf of the Tibetan community and have influence in Tibet.
Will Lobsang Sangay fit the bill? Only the future will tell.